Showing posts with label Brahminism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brahminism. Show all posts

Thursday, May 19, 2011

Operation of Inoculation of the Smallpox as Performed in Bengall


(From Ro। Coult to Dr Oliver Coult in ‘An account of the dis­eases of Bengall’ (Calcutta, dated February 10, 1731)।)
বাংলার এক অঞ্চলে স্মলপক্সএর টিকে দেওয়ার বর্ণনা আমরা পেয়েছি, ধরমপালএর রচনা সংগ্রহের প্রথম খন্ড থেকে।
Here follows one account of the operation of inoculation of the smallpox as performed here in Bengall taken from the concurring accounts of several Bhamans and physicians of this part of India।
The operation of inoculation called by the natives tikah has been known in the kingdom of Bengall as near as I can learn, about 150 years and according to the Bhamanian records was first performed by one Dununtary, a physician of Champanager, a small town by the side of the Ganges about half way to Cossimbazar whose memory is now holden in great esteem as being thought the author of this operation, which secret, say they, he had immediately of God in a dream।
Their method of performing this operation is by taking a little of the pus (when the smallpox are come to maturity and are of a good kind) and dipping these in the point of a pretty large sharp needle। Therewith make severall punctures in the hollow under the deltoid muscle or sometimes in the forehead, after which they cover the part with a little paste made of boiled rice।
When they want the operation of the inoculated matter to be quick they give the patient a small bolus made of a little of the pus, and boiled rice immediately after the operation which is repeated the two following days at noon।
The place where the punctures were made commonly festures and comes to a small supporation, and if not the operation has no effect and the person is still liable to have the smallpox but on the contrary if the punctures do supporate and no feaver or erup­tion insues, then they are no longer subject to the infection।
The punctures blacken and dry up with the other pustules।
The feaver insues later or sooner, according to the age and strength of the person inoculated, but commonly the third or fourth days। They keep the patient under the coolest regimen they can think off before the feaver comes on and frequently use cold bathing।
If the eruption is suppressed they also use frequent cold bath­ing। At the same time they give warm medicine inwardly, but if they prove of the confluent kind, they use no cold bathing, but (keep) the patient very cooll and give coolling medicine।
I cannot say any thing of the success of this operation or of their method of cure in this disease, but I intend to inform myself perfectly when the time of this distemper returns which is in April and May। 
(From Dharampal • Collected Writings, Volume I, Indian Science and Technology  in the Eighteenth Century)


Thursday, April 1, 2010

Development of Bangla Script

The word script/alphabet (lipi in Bengali) came from the Sanskrit lip meaning 'to plaster' or 'to apply'. In ancient India, writings were normally done by scribing on palm leaves with a stylus and then applying ink on it. The word lipi probably originated from this method of applying layers of ink on leaves.

The aim of the historians of script has so far been to minutely follow the gradual modification of the letter forms in the course of time and to discuss in the epigraphic records, a curious species of palaeographic chronometer for dating otherwise un-datable inscriptions. Studies in Bengali palaeography made by R.D. Banerji and D.N. Chakravarty reveal the same tendecy of using the morphology of script as a tool for history.

Till recently, early scholars are of the opinion that the art of writing in India dates back to the period of Asoka (3rd century BC), when inscriptions were engraved in two different scripts, which are known as Brahmi and Kharoshti. These are mainly of Sumerian origin. The recent discovery of a number of seals bearing inscriptions in an unknown script, however, has brought to light that the art of writing in India is as old as the third or fourth millennium BC to which these inscriptions are referred to, on the basis of their similarity with the Sumerian.

The dominant characteristics of the Brahmi are the following:

a) The Brahmi script is written from left to right.

b) The modern Indian scripts have evolved from the Brah-mi script.

c) The Brahmi script is also the progenitor of many extra-Indian scripts which are in use at present and others which had fallen out of use.

The Kharoshti script was prevalent in India from the third century BC to third century AD, and outside India, in Central Asia, for a few more centuries. It did not give rise to any other script.

Bengal is an Aryan-speaking area in the second or third millennium BC, a fact not supported by literary or epigraphic evidences. The Aitareya Brahmana and the Aitareya Aryanyaka clearly reveal that the non-Aryan Pundaras (pundara) of North Bengal and the Vangas (vangd) of eastern Bengal came into con-tact with the Aryans, probably in the seventh century BC.Epigraphic evidence furnished by the Mahdsthana record of North Bengal (300 BC) and the Silua (Noakhali district) image inscriptions of eastern Bengal (200 BC) shows that the Pundaras and the Vangas were Aryanised in language and script, sometime before the third century BC.

Bengali script has been derived from the eastern variety of Brahmi script, known as Kutilalipi which took a distinctive form around the 7th century. The script evolved over the centuries, acquired the cursive form.

The evolution of the Bengali script with the ad-vent of printing technology in Bengal gives an interes-ting picture. The first Bengali scripts (movable type) were used in the printing of Nathaniel Brassey (N. B.) Halhed's book, 'A Grammar of the Bengal Language' (1778). In the year 1785, Warren Hastings requested another civilian, Charles Wilkins to cut punches for Bengali printing characters. Wilkins is 'the father of movable type in Bengali'. He also taught Panchanan Karmakar, a renowned artist in Bengal, the technique of cutting punches for printing characters. Karmakar and his family subsequently became famous in the light of this sart-evolution in Bengali printing technology. Besides Karmakar, Shepherd was another assistant of Wilkins in this exercise (cf. Printing). The ultimately became more angular with sharper turns and edges.

The movable types, first developed in Korea, were introduced into Bengal from Europe, where it evolved independently. The movable continued in the Bengali printing industry for a long time. The Linotype technique, invented by Morgan' 1886, was introduced into Bengali printing in 1935, by the efforts of Suresh Chandra Majumdar, Rajsekhar Basu and Sushil Kumar Bhattacharya. Within a few years the more advanced monotype technology came to be used Bengali printing.

A significant contribution to Bengali industry was made by Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, duced a new arrangement of letters, keeping in view the convenience of the compositors. This come to be known as Vidyasagar sart.

Half body letters were used in Bengali printing to form compound characters. The system required more than 500 different types to form the complete Bengali character set. To help the typographers to realise the problem of anarchy that exists in the field of Bengali code of signs, Pabitra Sarkar classified them into three categories.

1. Transparent characters,

2. Semi-transparent characters and

3. Opaque characters

The Bengali hand-made typing shows a curious pat-tern. Initially, more than five hundred typing letters were required in each font, but the number had been gradually reduced. Even today, the existing Bengali code of signs in the foundry type consists of 448 to 536 characters. Lino-type provides for 292 characters of which 260 are good enough for the ordinary job. Monotype composition provides for 319 characters. In this the reformed script was made use of. With the advent of photo-typesetting, more number of opaque letters were introduced and Vidyasagar's principle of reform were reversed. However, a new turn was taken with the advent of computerized publication.

In the area of computerised composing popularly known as desk top publishing, a large number of Bengali type fonts have appeared in the market. The most significant contribution to Bengali computerised font designing came from the Institute of Typographical Research (ITR) in Pune. The Bengali fonts, Dilip, Devasree, Rabindra, Suvarna, Ut-tama and Vivek, introduced by ITR are in widespread use today.

Monday, May 11, 2009

ConfluenceOfFaiths:YoginderSikand

Between the 15th and 18th centuries, Bengal saw a curious commingling of two seemingly diverse streams—tantra and Islamic Sufism. Tantric practices and ideas influenced the Sufis who incorporated these as stages of the mystical path.
Bengal, comprising present-day Bangladesh and the Indian state of West Bengal, is one of the most heavily populated parts of south Asia. It is home to a rich cultural heritage, which has been influenced by many religious traditions, including Buddhism, Tantrism, Shaktism, Brahminism and Islam. One of the most intriguing aspects of this intermingling of religious traditions in Bengal is the marked influence of the Nath cult, based on yoga and Tantra, on popular Bengali Sufism. This is hardly surprising, as significant sections of both the Tantriks as well as the Sufis were bitterly opposed to the religious establishment, and both enjoyed considerable support among the lower castes who constituted the majority of the Bengali populace. Further, both Tantra as well as popular Sufism themselves are, in their origins, a product of various influences, and have freely borrowed from other traditions over time.

The period between 15th and 18th centuries, which witnessed the growing Islamisation of large numbers of lower caste as well as tribal groups living in Bengal, also witnessed a growing synthesis of Sufism and Bengali Tantra of the Nath variety, which, it is interesting to note, has generally been associated with the non-Brahmins, particularly with the low castes who were outside the pale of the Brahminical religion. It was primarily through the agency of various Sufis that Islam spread in the Bengali countryside, particularly in the eastern parts of the region, what is now Bangladesh. Some Sufis were sternly orthodox, insisting on the need to strictly follow the Islamic law or Shariah. They looked upon local customs, practices and beliefs with distaste, as wrongful innovations that needed to be purged if Muslims were, so they believed, to lead proper Islamic lives. They preached a puritanical form of scriptural Islam that brooked no compromise with local Bengali traditions and cosmologies.

On the other hand, in this period Bengal also witnessed the emergence of a number of unorthodox Sufis who willingly embraced local beliefs and practices. For some it was a sensible missionary technique in order to make Islam intelligible to the Bengalis, speaking to them in an idiom that they could readily understand. In most cases, however, the fusion of Islamic and local, including Tantrik, traditions was unconscious and organic, a result of a natural expression of living and working in the Bengali context. Several of these Sufis, many of whom are now little-remembered today, were heavily influenced by Tantrik doctrines, so much so that for their Hindu followers, mostly from the lower castes, they came to be seen as hardly distinguishable from their own deeply revered religious figures. Over time, they spawned local devotional cults centered on their shrines or mazars, attracting a multi-caste and multi-religious following as they came to be seen as powerful beings capable of interceding with God to meet people’s needs.

Many medieval Bengali Muslim Sufi-Tantriks, if they can be called so, remain unknown, having been local figures about whom no historical records exist. Some others are known to us through historical chronicles as well as instructional texts they penned for their own disciples. Notable among these was a certain Shaikh Zahid, author of the Bengali mystical text Adya Parichaya. The text is a fascinating example of a Sufi work clearly influenced by Tantra, illustrating the fact that in medieval Bengal the notion of Hindus and Muslims as two distinct and clearly separate communities was hardly known. It also shows how foreign the notion then was of Islam and Hinduism as two radically different faiths, which, in turn, allowed for the possibility of significant borrowings and overlaps.

The Adya Parichaya is devoted to an elaborate discussion of the various stages on the mystical path. Interestingly, these are described in terms almost identical to those used by the Tantriks, and are not presented as an exclusively Muslim way to salvation. The book then refers to the process of the emergence and growth of the embryo into a physical organism and the influence of stars and planets under which parturition is supposed to take place. It then shifts to a detailed treatment of Yoga Tantra, or the principles of Yogic-Tantrik discipline, where it discusses the various techniques of what it refers to as kayo sadhana or physical culture. It repeatedly employs the word samrasa, a technical Tantrik term signifying the nondual state of union between Shiva and Shakti, the male and female principles. The text describes this as the final stage of the mystic, when Shiva, the principle of rest, fuses with Shakti, the principle of motion and phenomenal manifestation, in what it refers to as the vajra kuthi or the thunder-like impregnable fortress. Curiously enough, Shaikh Zahid uses this term to draw parallels between it and the popular Sufi concept of baqa or abiding in Allah, a stage that the mystical adept reaches after the annihilation of the self (fana).

Another medieval Bengali Muslim Sufi writer who seems to have been heavily influenced by Tantra was a certain Sayyed Sultan, about whom the extant historical records tell us relatively little. He was the author of a Bengali mystical treatise, Jnana Pradalpa, which provides a detailed account of various meditation techniques that seem almost identical to those practiced by the Tantriks. The book discuss what it calls the sat chakra, or the six nerve-plexuses, the various yogic postures or asanas, methods of breath control and the practice of dhyana (fixed attention), mudra (posture) and samadhi (ecstatic concentration). The aim of the yogic discipline, Sayyed Sultan explains, is to arouse the kundalini shakti, the coiled energy, from the Muladhara chakra at the bottom of the spine, and to direct it to the Sahasrara, the thousand-petalled lotus located in the cerebral region where Shiva is said to reside.

This ultimate union of Shiva and Shakti within an individual is what Sayyed Sultan calls the stage of the changeless state of immortality, which, he says, can only be attained after penetrating all the six chakras or energy points located in the body. He refers to the sushumna as the passage along which the Primordial Power (adya shakti) can be worshiped. He places it, and what he calls a void containing knowledge of the Lord, in the Sahasrara. When Shakti arrives at this spot, he writes, ultimate bliss is attained. Elsewhere, he refers to this union as the sacred triveni or confluence of three sacred rivers. Here, he says, Yogis start their mental and spiritual exercises by stopping the flow of the Ganga (pingala) and the Yamuna (ingala), directing their waters along the upward course of the Saraswati (sushumna).

Each of the stages on the mystical path that the Sufi passes through, Sayyed Sultan writes, entails a different set of demands. He begins with the Shariat, the external observances of the Islamic law, which includes ritual worship. This is a necessary stage for the mystic, for without the control and restraining influence of the law he is sure to go astray. He then moves, by various stages, to the tariqat, the mystical journey, which the Sufis discuss in detail in their works. He progresses to the stage of haqiqat or Reality, and his journey then finally culminates in the highest state of marifat or gnosis. In this way, by firmly locating the yogic path within the discursive framework of mainstream Sufism, Sayyed Sultan seeks to legitimise key Tantrik beliefs and practices in Islamic terms. It is not known, however, what the reaction of the orthodox ulama, Muslim clerics, or the more mainstream Sufis was to this effort.

Another interesting attempt at translating Tantrik beliefs and doctrines into a Sufi framework appears in an anonymous Bengali text, the Yoga Qalandar. We know nothing about the author, except that he was a Bengali Muslim and was probably closely associated with the heterodox side of the Qalandar Sufi order. This is evident from the way in which the book seeks to combine and reconcile Tantrik and yogic beliefs with Qalandar Sufism. The book includes a detailed discussion of the chakras of the yogic system, which the author claims are identical with to the Islamic mystical notions of manzil and maqam, the different stages that the adept passes through on the Sufi path. The author sees several yogic practices as perfectly legitimate for a Muslim, and even suggests that Sufi adept should engage in various yogic exercises, among which he specifically recommends the padmasana (lotus posture), mayurasana (peacock posture) and garbhasana (posture of a foetus in the mother’s womb).

The effort to incorporate Tantrik practices and beliefs into practical Sufism by seeking to provide suitable Islamic sanction to them is evident in yet another medieval Bengali Muslim mystical treatise, the Jnana Sagara, authored by Ali Reza, who, as his name suggests, might have been a Shia.

The book takes the form of a lengthy poem in the Bengali language peppered with numerous words of Arabic and Persian origin. The Tantrik influence on the work is clearly evident from its detailed discussion of what it calls the six lotuses existing within the human body, each of which is said to contain six chakras. These, Ali Reza says, are the abodes of the six seasons and six musical scales or ragas. He also discusses various Tantrik practices, such as physical and meditation exercises and breath control methods, which he says can assist the adept on the Sufi path.

Yet, Ali Reza warns his readers that meditation, while necessary and useful, is meaningless if it is not accompanied and infused by love. In arguing this position he implicitly critiques both the empty ritualism of Brahmin priests and sections of the ulama, as well as the world-renouncing asceticism of the Yogis and Tantriks, insisting on the ethical dimension of faith that forms the core of the Sufi vision.

He holds the Prophet Mohammed as a role model for the Sufis to emulate, for it is from him that they can learn the meaning of true love, service and devotion. The world exists, he tells his readers, simply because of the love of God. Every particle of the vast universe has been created out of this love, he says, and the true Sufi is one who comes to a realisation of this truth and acts on the ethical demands that it makes.