M. Bandyopadhyay, K. Chakraborti
Though guava was an introduction in India in the XVIIth century A.D. by the Portuguese but it is now one of the important subtropical fruits of India vis-a-vis West Bengal. In the last decade several commercial orchards were developed in South 24-Parganas, Midnapore and Nadia district of West Bengal. In the state, the crop presently (2003-2004) covers 9.00 thousand ha with a production of about 133.79 thousand mt. The crop ranks fifth in area after mango, banana, pineapple and jackfruit. The importance of this plant is deeply felt by various folk and tribal societies of Bengal. Hence guava plants have been used recently in folk rites, rituals and festivals. Folk healers use guava plant as folk medicines for curing ailments. The reiterative need of this species called for its salvation which acted as guava seedling germplasm conservation of today. Different folklores are evolved in the agrarian folk societies in the form of oral literature like proverbs, rhymes, riddles, folk songs etc. So guava-lore is the sum total of cultural heritage relating to guava which is preserved in folk memory, in oral tradition and perpetuated in folk practices. Bending of guava twigs is one of the important ITKs of South 24-Parganas of Bengal leading to good winnings in off season. This lore passes from generation to generation by simple word of mouth. In this treatise various categories of folklore and wisdom related to guava have been described in brief with special reference to Bengal.
Showing posts with label Midnapore. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Midnapore. Show all posts
Monday, April 19, 2010
Saturday, March 20, 2010
Bhadu
Bhadu is the social festival of South Bengal. The festival starts from the first day of Bhadro, the fifth month in Bengali Calendar and continues till the end of the month.
It has its origins in the story of a princess called Bhadravati (Bhadresvari) of Panchakote who committed suicide. Bhadravati's devotees make an image of her and sing and dance before it throughout the month. On the last day of Bhadra, they gather on the river bank and immerse the image in the water. Songs, mainly focussing on marriage, form the main attraction of the festival in which both professional groups and amateurs take part. Celebrations include fairs and cultural programmes.2
Bhadu festival is mostly celebrated in Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Bardhaman districts of West Bengal.
Bhadu was an orphan found by the chief (mukhya) of Lada village. Raja Nilmoni Singh of Kashipur in whose kingdom Ladha is located has just introduced a new strain of rice—Bhaduyi—for cultivation in Kashipur is fond of touring the kingdom in a disguise along with his minister, Dhruvachand, to see if his subjects are in favor of the new crop. In the course of his travels he hears that the chief of Lada village has a daughter who is the living embodiment of goddess Lakshmi. He decides to see her in person. He disguised as a Sanskrit pundit (scholar) and was wonderstruck by her beauty and grace and decides to adopt her as his daughter. However, her father, the village chief, will not let her go away and the king decides to let Bhadu stay in the village. He decides to provide her the benefits of a royal princess. Dhruvachand stays behind to oversee her education. Bhadu's new identity, as a royal princess, is kept secret. Bhadu is very popular among the village people because she works actively for their betterment. Then she meets Anjan, son of the doctor (kaviraj) in the neighbouring village. They fall in love, much to the dismay of Dhruvachand3. In the meantime the British imprison the king because of his active involvement in the popular uprising of 1857. He is, however, later released. When he hears about Bhadu's involvement with Anjan, he orders the latter's capture and secret imprisonment. Bhadu is heartbroken and, together with two of her companions, travels across the kingdom singing songs at the gates of various forts in which Anjan may be imprisoned, hoping that he will recognize her voice and respond. The king relents and Anjan is released, but by then Bhadu has disappeared. Her companions report that one morning she seemed to fade away, merging with the sky. Village women continue to sing the songs that Bhadu first sang in the fruitless search for her lover.
Bhadu gaan, an inseparable part of Bhadu festival reflects the colours of rural society. It used to be very popular in Burdwan, Bankura and Midnapore. But in Birbhum the existence of this unique genre is being threatened by the rising popularity of cinema and television. Bhadu songs are composed extemporeneously and sung on each night of the festival, depicts the Goddesses as young girls. They describe Bhadu and tell in loving detail how they will be entertained. Since Bhadu is unmarried, her songs are sung mostly by unmarried girls. Dancing and playing drums accompanies Bhadu.
It has its origins in the story of a princess called Bhadravati (Bhadresvari) of Panchakote who committed suicide. Bhadravati's devotees make an image of her and sing and dance before it throughout the month. On the last day of Bhadra, they gather on the river bank and immerse the image in the water. Songs, mainly focussing on marriage, form the main attraction of the festival in which both professional groups and amateurs take part. Celebrations include fairs and cultural programmes.2
Bhadu festival is mostly celebrated in Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Bardhaman districts of West Bengal.
Bhadu was an orphan found by the chief (mukhya) of Lada village. Raja Nilmoni Singh of Kashipur in whose kingdom Ladha is located has just introduced a new strain of rice—Bhaduyi—for cultivation in Kashipur is fond of touring the kingdom in a disguise along with his minister, Dhruvachand, to see if his subjects are in favor of the new crop. In the course of his travels he hears that the chief of Lada village has a daughter who is the living embodiment of goddess Lakshmi. He decides to see her in person. He disguised as a Sanskrit pundit (scholar) and was wonderstruck by her beauty and grace and decides to adopt her as his daughter. However, her father, the village chief, will not let her go away and the king decides to let Bhadu stay in the village. He decides to provide her the benefits of a royal princess. Dhruvachand stays behind to oversee her education. Bhadu's new identity, as a royal princess, is kept secret. Bhadu is very popular among the village people because she works actively for their betterment. Then she meets Anjan, son of the doctor (kaviraj) in the neighbouring village. They fall in love, much to the dismay of Dhruvachand3. In the meantime the British imprison the king because of his active involvement in the popular uprising of 1857. He is, however, later released. When he hears about Bhadu's involvement with Anjan, he orders the latter's capture and secret imprisonment. Bhadu is heartbroken and, together with two of her companions, travels across the kingdom singing songs at the gates of various forts in which Anjan may be imprisoned, hoping that he will recognize her voice and respond. The king relents and Anjan is released, but by then Bhadu has disappeared. Her companions report that one morning she seemed to fade away, merging with the sky. Village women continue to sing the songs that Bhadu first sang in the fruitless search for her lover.
Bhadu gaan, an inseparable part of Bhadu festival reflects the colours of rural society. It used to be very popular in Burdwan, Bankura and Midnapore. But in Birbhum the existence of this unique genre is being threatened by the rising popularity of cinema and television. Bhadu songs are composed extemporeneously and sung on each night of the festival, depicts the Goddesses as young girls. They describe Bhadu and tell in loving detail how they will be entertained. Since Bhadu is unmarried, her songs are sung mostly by unmarried girls. Dancing and playing drums accompanies Bhadu.
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Mat(Madur)InduatryOfSabong
INDIA IS TRADITIONALLY a country of artistic crafts and handicrafts. For a long period of time these craft works in India were found to be concentrated in specific geographical locations based upon a system of occupational specialisation which in small segments of community created a special art folk. Mat weavers, specialised in weaving of varieties of mats constitute a section of such Indian art folk.
The history of mat weaving in India dates back to the Indus Valley Civilisation. Its socio-cultural relevance can be had in ancient literature. Records of the Medieval Period provide the first information of mat weaving in West Bengal. Further, authorities like : Hunter (1876), O’Melley (1911), Porter (1933), Mitra (1951) and others have highlighted the socio economic aspects of mat industry during the 19th and 20th centuries.
Mats in India are of different kinds and are produced in different parts of the country. However, the finer variety of mats, especially manufactured from madur grass (Cyperus tegetum) is concentrated in south-eastern part of the district of Midnapore. Weaving of mats has developed itself as an important cottage industry in the district, offering employment to rural masses, particularly the women and children in villages. The industry thus helps them to earn subsistence income. The production of mats, if taken together, accounts for Rs 6 to 7 crores in the aggregate annual income of the district.
In spite of such positive aspects, no systematic and scientific study has yet been attempted on the industry. Endeavour has, therefore, been made for a systematic study into the different aspects of mat industry in the district of Midnapore. An independent primary survey has been conducted with a view to studying the general features of the industry, its organisational and capital structure, aspects of employment and output, marketing network and also the cost-price structure. Attempts have also been made to provide some recommendations in the form of suggestions which can help the industry to overcome its present problems and finally to attain the standard level of efficiency.
However, just one comprehensive study cannot be sufficient to fill the gaps in knowledge about the industry which is of very ancient in origin and is relevant even today for rural economic development. The present study is restricted to the economic analysis of a sample of 303 mat weaving units drawn scientifically on the basis of ‘Stratified Multi-Stage Sampling’. Since the present study is first of its kind, further research on other dimensions of the industry deserves proper attention. The present study may provide basis for further research. It appeared in the process of the present study that an indepth interdisciplinary study of the industry may be highly rewarding.
Methodology and Sample Design
Essentially, the study is explorative in nature and based on primary data collected through field investigation. The technique of ‘Multi-Stage Random Sampling’ has been adopted for the purpose of sample selection. Initially from the 220 mat producing villages of police station Sabang, 35 have been selected as sample villages after two stage stratifications. Thereafter, from each selected single and double mat producing sample village, 10 per cent of the mat weaving households subject to a minimum of 5, have been selected as sample units on random basis. However, for masland producing units, complete enumeration has been made. Thus, altogether a total number of 303 sample mat weaving units have been selected for intensive study. Data have been collected through personal contact from sample units. Analysis of data
has been made with the help of manually operated calculators. The time period covered by the study extends for a period of two years from 1988-89 to 1989-90.
Salient Features of Mat Industry Information collected from field survey reveals that mat industry in the district of Midnapore typically represents the nature of a household industry.
Production by the units is run in a household environment with the active
participation of household members. As such, the units in general are tiny in size. In terms of number of looms possessed, it is seen that nearly 86 per cent of the sample units are having one loom, while 14 per cent of the units operate with double looms. In terms of the number of artisans employed and annual value of output also, the mat weaving units by and large are smaller in size.
Weaving operations of the units are carried on within the dwelling premises of the weavers. For all the sample units studied, work place is found to be attached to the dwelling place of the artisans. In fact, poor resource capacity and engagement of family workers, particularly the women and children in productive activities do not require a separate work place.
In terms of duration of work, sample units have been classified into seasonal and perennial units. Data shows that 63.7 per cent of sample units are perennial in nature and the rest 36.3 per cent are seasonal. This indicates that majority of the mat weaving units carry on their operations almost throughout the year.
Study as to ownership pattern reveals that the industry runs absolutely under individual ownership. Existence of ‘co-operative units’ or ‘joint owned units’ is not evident. Inheritance is the general mode of acquisition of units.
Of the total sample as many as 76 per cent of units are inherited and 24 per cent have been started afresh. Among the newly started, 18 per cent have emerged as separate units for family fragmentation and the rest 6 per cent, in reality, are completely new endeavour. Before undertaking this endeavour most of them were daily labourers. Possibility of financial support from Governments and other institutions have encouraged them to undertake this new venture, The traditional mat weavers are Baities by caste. But it is found from the study that of sample size of 303 units, only one unit belonged to Baiti caste. The traditional cultivators, i.e., Mahishyas, at present are the dominating caste in natural mat industry. Thus, traditional caste nexus in mat weaving is already disturbed and the industry at present conforms to the class structure rather than caste structure of society.
Production process of mat manufacturing is traditional and involves a number of labour intensive activities. The whole process of production consists of three distinct phases : (i) pre-loom weaving, (ii) loom weaving, and (iii)post-loom weaving. Pre-loom weaving phase consists of preparation of basic raw-material i.e., cultivation of mat sticks, the processes of sizing and dyeing them according to requirement. The manufacturing of finished mats through setting the sticks by threads on loom forms the part of loom-weaving. Throughout the whole process of mat manufacturing it is the most important and time consuming part. On the other hand, cutting of stick edges or in cases, covering the stick ends by coloured clothes and polishing, form the final phase of post-loom weaving.
Technology as well as tools and equipments used in mat weaving are age old and highly labour intensive. Besides, the tools are fabricated locally and are usually purchased from local markets. Many of the units inherit these from their ancestors.
Organisational and Capital Structure of the Industry From the stand point of nature of involvement, mat weaving units are classified into three important categories of organisation like : (i) simple, (ii) semi-composite, and (iii) composite. Lack of adequate resources to cultivate basic raw material of their own or procuring those in bulk at early stage, restrict the operations of simple units to loom weaving and finishing. Units of semi-composite organisation on the other hand, collect unfinished raw material, duly season and size them in required form before use. But the entire processes of production right from stick cultivation to post weaving finishing are completed by the composite units. The scope for cultivation of raw material facilitates these units to weave mats according to their own choice and preference. Results of field investigation reveals that, 73.6 per cent of sample units are of composite nature, followed by simple units (17.8%) and semi-composite units (8.6%). This distribution indicates the dominance of composite organisation in mat weaving pursuit.
Fixed capital investment in the mat weaving units is small. Units of simple and semi-composite organisations possess looms and some other accessories as their fixed assets. For the composite units, fixed assets include the value of land used in cultivation of basic materials over and above the items of looms and accessories. The investment in fixed assets of the sample units varies in between Rs. 385 and Rs. 18,580. Variation in the quantum of fixed capital investment, is for the reason of variation in the constituent items, particularly the land, the number of looms in possession and for using a few more tools and accessories.
Stock of raw materials consisting of stock of mat sticks, stock of threads, stock of colour and dye and stock of gum, is the lone component of working capitals. Other likely components of stock of finished goods, semi-finished stock, credit due to units and cash in hand or bank do not exist in the industry. Difference in stock holding period for different items of raw materials gives birth to differences in working capital investment in between Rs 56 and Rs 2565 among the operative units. Among the components, stock of mat sticks is the most important and it accounts for 95.9 per cent of the total.
Distribution of sample units in working capital investment ranges, shows that 81 per cent of the units operate within an investment range of Rs. 1000. Average investment in productive capital by the mat weaving units varies widely from Rs. 485 for a unit in simple organisation to Rs. 6237 in composite organisation. However, product-wise classification of such investment does not show any significant variation. In the total capital structure fixed capital occupies a relatively more important place compared to working capital. For all the units fixed capital constitutes 92.5 per cent in the total productive capital. While for units in simple and composite sectors, fixed capital is more important, in semi-composite units working capital is dominant. Analysis of capital structure in terms of products, indicates that in all product categories fixed capital is predominant.
The industry suffers from paucity of funds in general. Observation from field survey shows that 43.4 per cent of the units run their operations solely on own resources; while 56.6 per cent have to depend on external agencies.
Dependence over external agencies ranges in between 44.5 and 59.7 per cent among units in different organisations and 53.3 to 60.3 per cent when units are shown in terms of product categories.
Among the sources available for borrowings, commercial banks play the most crucial role. Loans from commercial banks constitute 59.7 per cent of total borrowings, and those from Government agencies and co-operative societies are 26.9 and 4.9 per cent respectively. These are not sufficient to meet the credit needs of the units. For the reason of lower rate of interest, units in general, try to mobilise funds from these organised sources.
In practice the private money lenders charge higher rate of interest. Yet the weavers prefer to borrow from them because they do not insist for sufficient security. The process of negotiation is also very simple and direct as against complex process and requirement of securities of organised sources.
This source constitutes 4.4 per cent of the total borrowed fund. Even to meet their short term requirement, incidence of borrowings by the units is to the extent of 4.1 per cent from friends and relatives.
Employment and Output
Employment structure of the industry shows that production of mats are basically run by household workers. Only in few cases, engagement of outside labourers is evident, particularly, to complete the processes of pre-loom weaving phase. Of the total sample of 303 units, only 6 units constituting 2.0 per cent of the total, employ hired labourers in loom weaving over and above the services of family workers. From the study of the occupational background, it is evident that two-thirds of the units are controlled and managed by middle aged persons of whom a significant portion (32.4%) are illiterate. Hence, there exists very little scope for the occupation to come out of hereditary bondage.
Among the units studied, 57.9 per cent units are seen to be primarily dependent on mat weaving, and for the rest of the households representing 42.1 per cent of the total sample, mat weaving is the secondary source of income.
Classification of workers shows that women artisans are the most predominant among the mat weavers. Even the children of families are seen to take part in mat weaving in significant number. Results of field survey show that employment of woman workers forms 58.1 per cent followed by men and children to the extent of 29.3 and 12.6 per cent respectively. The size structure of employment by the number of workers shows that the maximum concentration of sample units is in the employment size of 1 to 4 workers.
The occupation of mat weaving being an artistic pursuit demands precision and high level skill, particularly in weaving of exquisite maslands. The total work force employed in sample units into skilled and unskilled workers shows that seggregated 60.6 per cent of the workers are skilled and 39.4 per cent are unskilled. Dominance of skilled workers is highest (85.1%) in masland weaving units followed by double mat weaving units (63.2%), while dominance of unskilled workers (53.3%) is evident in the single mat weaving sector. Organisation-wise distribution of skill factor discloses that in all the organisations, there is the dominance of skilled workers.
Both the finer quality of masland and the coarse varieties of mats, viz., single and double mats are produced as the principal items of production.
Product mix of the industry shows maximum concentration in single mat weaving 55.0%), followed by double mat (30.0%) and masland (15.0%). The output size per unit both in terms of value and volume, is very low. The smaller size of operations as well as the use of traditional technology are found to be the responsible factors for the low volume of output. Variation in output size is noticed among units in different product varieties. The monthly output size of double mat weaving sector is the highest and this is on an average Rs. 625 per unit. Variation in monthly output for a unit varies between Rs. 583 and Rs. 469 in response to variation in organisations. However, concentration of units is found to be in the monthly output value range of Rs. 200 - Rs. 600.
Capital output ratio, i.e., the amount of capital required to produce a unit of output in the industry is Rs. 0.89. This varies with the variation of organisations. Variation extends from 1.20 unit in composite organisation to 0.11 unit in simple organisation. The value of the ratio seems to be higher (1.07 unit) in single mat weaving sector than that of (0.89) in masland weaving or (0.69) double mat weaving. The reason behind such high proportion of capital output ratios is for the lower amount of output produced by the productive units of the industry.
The labour output ratio or productivity of labour on an average is Rs. 1788 per worker in mat industry. The ratio varies in between Rs. 2797 and Rs. 1523. When the ratio is worked out against product varieties, the variation ranges from Rs. 1860 to Rs. 1708. Among others, the level of skill and competence of workers are identified as factors responsible for the variations in labour output ratios.
Marketing Aspect of Mat Industry
Structure of marketing shows that mat products are sold to its users through some specific channels. A multiple number of middlemen play their respective roles in these distributive channels. Among the five distinct middlemen in the market, mahajan paikars are the most influential ones.
Sales of finished mats are effected through some specialised village markets, conventionally known as hats. There are as many as 11 such markets in Sabang. Among them 8 markets are weekly and the 3 others are bi-weekly. These markets are situated within a distance of 3 - 5 kilometers from the mat producing units. Variation in the value of transactions is noticeable from Rs. 1,50,000 to Rs. 5,000 in a particular market day depending on specific advantages in one market over the other.
The process of marketing of finished mats is the traditional one. All sales and purchases are performed in cash, be it with the direct users or withthe middlemen. However, prices of mats, on a particular market day, of different varieties, sizes and qualities are determined by paikars. Such price determination is influenced by users demand and seasonal fluctuations.
Customer-wise distribution of sales shows that, direct sales to users constitute 14.3 per cent while sales to middlemen are to the extent of 85.7 per cent. Product-wise distribution of sales reveals that 35.5 per cent of maslands are sold directly to users mostly under ‘work on order’ basis and the major part of the other products is sold to intermediaries. Sales to intermediaries account for 91.8 per cent for single mat and 92.4 per cent for double mat. Among the intermediaries mahajan paikars alone purchase 48.8 per cent of total mat produced.
Unlike other industries, mat weavers do not require to incur any marketing cost to sell their finished products.
Among the problems of marketing lack of adequate weaver-user linkage,near absence of organised marketing support, absence of initiatives for product diversification, inadequate programmes for demand generation are identified as the most important ones.
Cost - Price Structure
Analysis of cost structure of the industry under the accounting concept of cost, reveals that under fixed cost category, major cost components are depreciation and interest on capital. Interest on capital borrowed and the imputed value of interest on own capital taken together, form the total interest cost. Other possible items of fixed cost are rent and insurance which have not been considered for this purpose.
Under variable cost heads, raw materials, wages, fuel and light, repairs and maintenance have been considered. Except the wages, all these costs have been calculated on actual basis. However, for wages of family workers, imputed value has been considered along with wages paid to hired labourers.
Distribution of different cost elements shows that variable cost accounts for 90.1 per cent and the proportion of fixed cost in total cost is only 9.9 per cent. Component-wise cost analysis shows the dominance of wage cost (60.2%) followed by raw material cost (28.6%). Cost of fuel and light (0.4%) and repairs and maintenance (0.9%) are too insignificant in the cost structure. Except the imputed value of interest cost (7.4%), other fixed cost items like depreciation (0.7%) and interest on borrowed capital (1.8%) are not of much significance.
Variation in cost elements as per organisations shows that in composite organisation, proportion of fixed cost is more (12.8%) than that in semi-composite (2.4%) and simple (l.8%) organisations. Product-wise distribution of cost elements indicates that in masland weaving units, wage cost (66.3%) is significantly high and raw materials cost (24.6%) is considerably low. The phenomenon conforms to the exquisite nature of masland variety.
For mat industry, ex-unit cost has been considered. Prices of mats widely vary depending on the size, variety, quality and demand situation. Demand pattern is again influenced by seasonal fluctuations. Since peak season price of mats significantly varies from slack season price, average prices have been taken for profitability calculation.
Profitability of mat weaving units has been estimated on the basis of difference between cost and price for products, following the standard accounting norms. Under this calculation it shows that all the sample units on an average sustain a loss to the extent of 19.7 per cent. Variation in loss between 29.4 and 4.5 percent is noticed when units are shown as per organizations. However, product-wise distribution of units shows that the extent of loss varies in between 2.9 and 45.8 per cent.
As per the perception of the weavers, cost means the cost which is usually known as ‘out of pocket’ cost. Imputed cost is never considered by the weavers as part of cost-of their production. Accordingly, if from the cost worked out as per accounting concept, the elements of imputed cost are eliminated, mat weaving occupation becomes a profitable one. It is more so because the producers can use free family labourers. Such calculation of profit shows that the operating units in the industry can earn profits to the extent of 62.2 per cent. Organisation-wise analysis reveals the earnings by units in semi-composite division as much as 70.1 per cent followed by the
units, composite (63.3%) and simple (53.5%). Such profit earnings as per product division shows that double mat producing units earn comparatively more (67.9%) than their counter parts engaged in masland (60.2%) and single mat weaving (58.7%). Thus, when the opportunity cost of labourers, particularly, the women and children in the villages is zero, the industry earns reasonable profits or surplus as is generally believed to be by the mat producers.
This is a doctoral thesis of MANISHANKAR MAITRY, published in FINANCE INDIA, Vol. X No. 3, September 1996.
The history of mat weaving in India dates back to the Indus Valley Civilisation. Its socio-cultural relevance can be had in ancient literature. Records of the Medieval Period provide the first information of mat weaving in West Bengal. Further, authorities like : Hunter (1876), O’Melley (1911), Porter (1933), Mitra (1951) and others have highlighted the socio economic aspects of mat industry during the 19th and 20th centuries.
Mats in India are of different kinds and are produced in different parts of the country. However, the finer variety of mats, especially manufactured from madur grass (Cyperus tegetum) is concentrated in south-eastern part of the district of Midnapore. Weaving of mats has developed itself as an important cottage industry in the district, offering employment to rural masses, particularly the women and children in villages. The industry thus helps them to earn subsistence income. The production of mats, if taken together, accounts for Rs 6 to 7 crores in the aggregate annual income of the district.
In spite of such positive aspects, no systematic and scientific study has yet been attempted on the industry. Endeavour has, therefore, been made for a systematic study into the different aspects of mat industry in the district of Midnapore. An independent primary survey has been conducted with a view to studying the general features of the industry, its organisational and capital structure, aspects of employment and output, marketing network and also the cost-price structure. Attempts have also been made to provide some recommendations in the form of suggestions which can help the industry to overcome its present problems and finally to attain the standard level of efficiency.
However, just one comprehensive study cannot be sufficient to fill the gaps in knowledge about the industry which is of very ancient in origin and is relevant even today for rural economic development. The present study is restricted to the economic analysis of a sample of 303 mat weaving units drawn scientifically on the basis of ‘Stratified Multi-Stage Sampling’. Since the present study is first of its kind, further research on other dimensions of the industry deserves proper attention. The present study may provide basis for further research. It appeared in the process of the present study that an indepth interdisciplinary study of the industry may be highly rewarding.
Methodology and Sample Design
Essentially, the study is explorative in nature and based on primary data collected through field investigation. The technique of ‘Multi-Stage Random Sampling’ has been adopted for the purpose of sample selection. Initially from the 220 mat producing villages of police station Sabang, 35 have been selected as sample villages after two stage stratifications. Thereafter, from each selected single and double mat producing sample village, 10 per cent of the mat weaving households subject to a minimum of 5, have been selected as sample units on random basis. However, for masland producing units, complete enumeration has been made. Thus, altogether a total number of 303 sample mat weaving units have been selected for intensive study. Data have been collected through personal contact from sample units. Analysis of data
has been made with the help of manually operated calculators. The time period covered by the study extends for a period of two years from 1988-89 to 1989-90.
Salient Features of Mat Industry Information collected from field survey reveals that mat industry in the district of Midnapore typically represents the nature of a household industry.
Production by the units is run in a household environment with the active
participation of household members. As such, the units in general are tiny in size. In terms of number of looms possessed, it is seen that nearly 86 per cent of the sample units are having one loom, while 14 per cent of the units operate with double looms. In terms of the number of artisans employed and annual value of output also, the mat weaving units by and large are smaller in size.
Weaving operations of the units are carried on within the dwelling premises of the weavers. For all the sample units studied, work place is found to be attached to the dwelling place of the artisans. In fact, poor resource capacity and engagement of family workers, particularly the women and children in productive activities do not require a separate work place.
In terms of duration of work, sample units have been classified into seasonal and perennial units. Data shows that 63.7 per cent of sample units are perennial in nature and the rest 36.3 per cent are seasonal. This indicates that majority of the mat weaving units carry on their operations almost throughout the year.
Study as to ownership pattern reveals that the industry runs absolutely under individual ownership. Existence of ‘co-operative units’ or ‘joint owned units’ is not evident. Inheritance is the general mode of acquisition of units.
Of the total sample as many as 76 per cent of units are inherited and 24 per cent have been started afresh. Among the newly started, 18 per cent have emerged as separate units for family fragmentation and the rest 6 per cent, in reality, are completely new endeavour. Before undertaking this endeavour most of them were daily labourers. Possibility of financial support from Governments and other institutions have encouraged them to undertake this new venture, The traditional mat weavers are Baities by caste. But it is found from the study that of sample size of 303 units, only one unit belonged to Baiti caste. The traditional cultivators, i.e., Mahishyas, at present are the dominating caste in natural mat industry. Thus, traditional caste nexus in mat weaving is already disturbed and the industry at present conforms to the class structure rather than caste structure of society.
Production process of mat manufacturing is traditional and involves a number of labour intensive activities. The whole process of production consists of three distinct phases : (i) pre-loom weaving, (ii) loom weaving, and (iii)post-loom weaving. Pre-loom weaving phase consists of preparation of basic raw-material i.e., cultivation of mat sticks, the processes of sizing and dyeing them according to requirement. The manufacturing of finished mats through setting the sticks by threads on loom forms the part of loom-weaving. Throughout the whole process of mat manufacturing it is the most important and time consuming part. On the other hand, cutting of stick edges or in cases, covering the stick ends by coloured clothes and polishing, form the final phase of post-loom weaving.
Technology as well as tools and equipments used in mat weaving are age old and highly labour intensive. Besides, the tools are fabricated locally and are usually purchased from local markets. Many of the units inherit these from their ancestors.
Organisational and Capital Structure of the Industry From the stand point of nature of involvement, mat weaving units are classified into three important categories of organisation like : (i) simple, (ii) semi-composite, and (iii) composite. Lack of adequate resources to cultivate basic raw material of their own or procuring those in bulk at early stage, restrict the operations of simple units to loom weaving and finishing. Units of semi-composite organisation on the other hand, collect unfinished raw material, duly season and size them in required form before use. But the entire processes of production right from stick cultivation to post weaving finishing are completed by the composite units. The scope for cultivation of raw material facilitates these units to weave mats according to their own choice and preference. Results of field investigation reveals that, 73.6 per cent of sample units are of composite nature, followed by simple units (17.8%) and semi-composite units (8.6%). This distribution indicates the dominance of composite organisation in mat weaving pursuit.
Fixed capital investment in the mat weaving units is small. Units of simple and semi-composite organisations possess looms and some other accessories as their fixed assets. For the composite units, fixed assets include the value of land used in cultivation of basic materials over and above the items of looms and accessories. The investment in fixed assets of the sample units varies in between Rs. 385 and Rs. 18,580. Variation in the quantum of fixed capital investment, is for the reason of variation in the constituent items, particularly the land, the number of looms in possession and for using a few more tools and accessories.
Stock of raw materials consisting of stock of mat sticks, stock of threads, stock of colour and dye and stock of gum, is the lone component of working capitals. Other likely components of stock of finished goods, semi-finished stock, credit due to units and cash in hand or bank do not exist in the industry. Difference in stock holding period for different items of raw materials gives birth to differences in working capital investment in between Rs 56 and Rs 2565 among the operative units. Among the components, stock of mat sticks is the most important and it accounts for 95.9 per cent of the total.
Distribution of sample units in working capital investment ranges, shows that 81 per cent of the units operate within an investment range of Rs. 1000. Average investment in productive capital by the mat weaving units varies widely from Rs. 485 for a unit in simple organisation to Rs. 6237 in composite organisation. However, product-wise classification of such investment does not show any significant variation. In the total capital structure fixed capital occupies a relatively more important place compared to working capital. For all the units fixed capital constitutes 92.5 per cent in the total productive capital. While for units in simple and composite sectors, fixed capital is more important, in semi-composite units working capital is dominant. Analysis of capital structure in terms of products, indicates that in all product categories fixed capital is predominant.
The industry suffers from paucity of funds in general. Observation from field survey shows that 43.4 per cent of the units run their operations solely on own resources; while 56.6 per cent have to depend on external agencies.
Dependence over external agencies ranges in between 44.5 and 59.7 per cent among units in different organisations and 53.3 to 60.3 per cent when units are shown in terms of product categories.
Among the sources available for borrowings, commercial banks play the most crucial role. Loans from commercial banks constitute 59.7 per cent of total borrowings, and those from Government agencies and co-operative societies are 26.9 and 4.9 per cent respectively. These are not sufficient to meet the credit needs of the units. For the reason of lower rate of interest, units in general, try to mobilise funds from these organised sources.
In practice the private money lenders charge higher rate of interest. Yet the weavers prefer to borrow from them because they do not insist for sufficient security. The process of negotiation is also very simple and direct as against complex process and requirement of securities of organised sources.
This source constitutes 4.4 per cent of the total borrowed fund. Even to meet their short term requirement, incidence of borrowings by the units is to the extent of 4.1 per cent from friends and relatives.
Employment and Output
Employment structure of the industry shows that production of mats are basically run by household workers. Only in few cases, engagement of outside labourers is evident, particularly, to complete the processes of pre-loom weaving phase. Of the total sample of 303 units, only 6 units constituting 2.0 per cent of the total, employ hired labourers in loom weaving over and above the services of family workers. From the study of the occupational background, it is evident that two-thirds of the units are controlled and managed by middle aged persons of whom a significant portion (32.4%) are illiterate. Hence, there exists very little scope for the occupation to come out of hereditary bondage.
Among the units studied, 57.9 per cent units are seen to be primarily dependent on mat weaving, and for the rest of the households representing 42.1 per cent of the total sample, mat weaving is the secondary source of income.
Classification of workers shows that women artisans are the most predominant among the mat weavers. Even the children of families are seen to take part in mat weaving in significant number. Results of field survey show that employment of woman workers forms 58.1 per cent followed by men and children to the extent of 29.3 and 12.6 per cent respectively. The size structure of employment by the number of workers shows that the maximum concentration of sample units is in the employment size of 1 to 4 workers.
The occupation of mat weaving being an artistic pursuit demands precision and high level skill, particularly in weaving of exquisite maslands. The total work force employed in sample units into skilled and unskilled workers shows that seggregated 60.6 per cent of the workers are skilled and 39.4 per cent are unskilled. Dominance of skilled workers is highest (85.1%) in masland weaving units followed by double mat weaving units (63.2%), while dominance of unskilled workers (53.3%) is evident in the single mat weaving sector. Organisation-wise distribution of skill factor discloses that in all the organisations, there is the dominance of skilled workers.
Both the finer quality of masland and the coarse varieties of mats, viz., single and double mats are produced as the principal items of production.
Product mix of the industry shows maximum concentration in single mat weaving 55.0%), followed by double mat (30.0%) and masland (15.0%). The output size per unit both in terms of value and volume, is very low. The smaller size of operations as well as the use of traditional technology are found to be the responsible factors for the low volume of output. Variation in output size is noticed among units in different product varieties. The monthly output size of double mat weaving sector is the highest and this is on an average Rs. 625 per unit. Variation in monthly output for a unit varies between Rs. 583 and Rs. 469 in response to variation in organisations. However, concentration of units is found to be in the monthly output value range of Rs. 200 - Rs. 600.
Capital output ratio, i.e., the amount of capital required to produce a unit of output in the industry is Rs. 0.89. This varies with the variation of organisations. Variation extends from 1.20 unit in composite organisation to 0.11 unit in simple organisation. The value of the ratio seems to be higher (1.07 unit) in single mat weaving sector than that of (0.89) in masland weaving or (0.69) double mat weaving. The reason behind such high proportion of capital output ratios is for the lower amount of output produced by the productive units of the industry.
The labour output ratio or productivity of labour on an average is Rs. 1788 per worker in mat industry. The ratio varies in between Rs. 2797 and Rs. 1523. When the ratio is worked out against product varieties, the variation ranges from Rs. 1860 to Rs. 1708. Among others, the level of skill and competence of workers are identified as factors responsible for the variations in labour output ratios.
Marketing Aspect of Mat Industry
Structure of marketing shows that mat products are sold to its users through some specific channels. A multiple number of middlemen play their respective roles in these distributive channels. Among the five distinct middlemen in the market, mahajan paikars are the most influential ones.
Sales of finished mats are effected through some specialised village markets, conventionally known as hats. There are as many as 11 such markets in Sabang. Among them 8 markets are weekly and the 3 others are bi-weekly. These markets are situated within a distance of 3 - 5 kilometers from the mat producing units. Variation in the value of transactions is noticeable from Rs. 1,50,000 to Rs. 5,000 in a particular market day depending on specific advantages in one market over the other.
The process of marketing of finished mats is the traditional one. All sales and purchases are performed in cash, be it with the direct users or withthe middlemen. However, prices of mats, on a particular market day, of different varieties, sizes and qualities are determined by paikars. Such price determination is influenced by users demand and seasonal fluctuations.
Customer-wise distribution of sales shows that, direct sales to users constitute 14.3 per cent while sales to middlemen are to the extent of 85.7 per cent. Product-wise distribution of sales reveals that 35.5 per cent of maslands are sold directly to users mostly under ‘work on order’ basis and the major part of the other products is sold to intermediaries. Sales to intermediaries account for 91.8 per cent for single mat and 92.4 per cent for double mat. Among the intermediaries mahajan paikars alone purchase 48.8 per cent of total mat produced.
Unlike other industries, mat weavers do not require to incur any marketing cost to sell their finished products.
Among the problems of marketing lack of adequate weaver-user linkage,near absence of organised marketing support, absence of initiatives for product diversification, inadequate programmes for demand generation are identified as the most important ones.
Cost - Price Structure
Analysis of cost structure of the industry under the accounting concept of cost, reveals that under fixed cost category, major cost components are depreciation and interest on capital. Interest on capital borrowed and the imputed value of interest on own capital taken together, form the total interest cost. Other possible items of fixed cost are rent and insurance which have not been considered for this purpose.
Under variable cost heads, raw materials, wages, fuel and light, repairs and maintenance have been considered. Except the wages, all these costs have been calculated on actual basis. However, for wages of family workers, imputed value has been considered along with wages paid to hired labourers.
Distribution of different cost elements shows that variable cost accounts for 90.1 per cent and the proportion of fixed cost in total cost is only 9.9 per cent. Component-wise cost analysis shows the dominance of wage cost (60.2%) followed by raw material cost (28.6%). Cost of fuel and light (0.4%) and repairs and maintenance (0.9%) are too insignificant in the cost structure. Except the imputed value of interest cost (7.4%), other fixed cost items like depreciation (0.7%) and interest on borrowed capital (1.8%) are not of much significance.
Variation in cost elements as per organisations shows that in composite organisation, proportion of fixed cost is more (12.8%) than that in semi-composite (2.4%) and simple (l.8%) organisations. Product-wise distribution of cost elements indicates that in masland weaving units, wage cost (66.3%) is significantly high and raw materials cost (24.6%) is considerably low. The phenomenon conforms to the exquisite nature of masland variety.
For mat industry, ex-unit cost has been considered. Prices of mats widely vary depending on the size, variety, quality and demand situation. Demand pattern is again influenced by seasonal fluctuations. Since peak season price of mats significantly varies from slack season price, average prices have been taken for profitability calculation.
Profitability of mat weaving units has been estimated on the basis of difference between cost and price for products, following the standard accounting norms. Under this calculation it shows that all the sample units on an average sustain a loss to the extent of 19.7 per cent. Variation in loss between 29.4 and 4.5 percent is noticed when units are shown as per organizations. However, product-wise distribution of units shows that the extent of loss varies in between 2.9 and 45.8 per cent.
As per the perception of the weavers, cost means the cost which is usually known as ‘out of pocket’ cost. Imputed cost is never considered by the weavers as part of cost-of their production. Accordingly, if from the cost worked out as per accounting concept, the elements of imputed cost are eliminated, mat weaving occupation becomes a profitable one. It is more so because the producers can use free family labourers. Such calculation of profit shows that the operating units in the industry can earn profits to the extent of 62.2 per cent. Organisation-wise analysis reveals the earnings by units in semi-composite division as much as 70.1 per cent followed by the
units, composite (63.3%) and simple (53.5%). Such profit earnings as per product division shows that double mat producing units earn comparatively more (67.9%) than their counter parts engaged in masland (60.2%) and single mat weaving (58.7%). Thus, when the opportunity cost of labourers, particularly, the women and children in the villages is zero, the industry earns reasonable profits or surplus as is generally believed to be by the mat producers.
This is a doctoral thesis of MANISHANKAR MAITRY, published in FINANCE INDIA, Vol. X No. 3, September 1996.
Friday, May 8, 2009
DokraMetalCraft
The metal smiths using the lost wax process of metal casting or hollow casting method in West Bengal, are known as Dokra Kamars. The ironsmiths are known in Bengal as Kamars or Karmakar and other metal smiths as Sekras. The word Dokra in Bengali is used with contempt for those who are socially low and despised. Of all craftsmen in West Bengal, these metal smiths are socially most persecuted and are being treated as social outcasts. Hence they are called Dokras.
The Dokras are now dispersed over the western part of West Bengal in four districts namely Bankura, Purulia, Midnapore and Burdwan and are mainly concentrated in Bankura and partly in Purulia.
The Dokras who lived in a small suburb called Rampur on the fringe of Bankura town have shifted to Bikna. These Dokras make various kinds of images and figures of gods and goddesses, birds and animals, like Lakshmi, Lakshmi-Narayan, Siva-Parvati flanked by Ganesh and Kartik, elephants, horses, owls, peacocks etc.
The Dokras of Netkamla and Bindhyajan do not make ritual objects, like images of deities and animal figures. Their main items of production are measuring bowls or paikona of different sizes and mal or anklets and ghunghru or tinkling dancing bells for the Santhals. The Dokras of Lakshmisagar make images of deities and figures of animals and sell their products in local markets and fairs.
In Purulia the Dokras are widely known as Mals or Malhars to common people, although the Dokra artisans are considered lower in social rank. In Purulia, there are some semi-nomadic Malhars, who move about from village to village, take shelter in community houses, outhouses or temporary camps under trees and make various kinds of metal products by the lost wax process. They make paikona, dhunuchi, pancha pradeep, anklets, ghunghrus with mixed aluminium by the lost wax process but do not make any images or figures.
Process:
The craftsman start preparing the casting furnace and the wax image. The wax and the resin (dhuna) should be correctly mixed with oil to make the necessary lump. The image to be made must be vividly visualized by the craftsman through meditation, until it is ready to be modeled in the prepared lump of wax. When the wax-image is done it has to be purified with pancha- varna or the five powdered pigments. The joints of the component parts of the wax model should be reinforced with copper rods or nails before being covered by the clay mould. These supports may be chiseled off after the wax model melts away in the heat of the furnace.
The craftsman sculptures a wax model of the metal object desired, makes a mould of clay, pours molten metal into a hole in the mould, breaks away the clay, brings out the object and finally smoothes and polishes it. The most important rule, in this metal craft is played by non-metals like wax, resin and clay and the artistic work is done with them. The chief function of the metal is to get transformed into liquid under heat and then to get solidified again inside the mould.
The Dokras are now dispersed over the western part of West Bengal in four districts namely Bankura, Purulia, Midnapore and Burdwan and are mainly concentrated in Bankura and partly in Purulia.
The Dokras who lived in a small suburb called Rampur on the fringe of Bankura town have shifted to Bikna. These Dokras make various kinds of images and figures of gods and goddesses, birds and animals, like Lakshmi, Lakshmi-Narayan, Siva-Parvati flanked by Ganesh and Kartik, elephants, horses, owls, peacocks etc.
The Dokras of Netkamla and Bindhyajan do not make ritual objects, like images of deities and animal figures. Their main items of production are measuring bowls or paikona of different sizes and mal or anklets and ghunghru or tinkling dancing bells for the Santhals. The Dokras of Lakshmisagar make images of deities and figures of animals and sell their products in local markets and fairs.
In Purulia the Dokras are widely known as Mals or Malhars to common people, although the Dokra artisans are considered lower in social rank. In Purulia, there are some semi-nomadic Malhars, who move about from village to village, take shelter in community houses, outhouses or temporary camps under trees and make various kinds of metal products by the lost wax process. They make paikona, dhunuchi, pancha pradeep, anklets, ghunghrus with mixed aluminium by the lost wax process but do not make any images or figures.
Process:
The craftsman start preparing the casting furnace and the wax image. The wax and the resin (dhuna) should be correctly mixed with oil to make the necessary lump. The image to be made must be vividly visualized by the craftsman through meditation, until it is ready to be modeled in the prepared lump of wax. When the wax-image is done it has to be purified with pancha- varna or the five powdered pigments. The joints of the component parts of the wax model should be reinforced with copper rods or nails before being covered by the clay mould. These supports may be chiseled off after the wax model melts away in the heat of the furnace.
The craftsman sculptures a wax model of the metal object desired, makes a mould of clay, pours molten metal into a hole in the mould, breaks away the clay, brings out the object and finally smoothes and polishes it. The most important rule, in this metal craft is played by non-metals like wax, resin and clay and the artistic work is done with them. The chief function of the metal is to get transformed into liquid under heat and then to get solidified again inside the mould.
Friday, May 1, 2009
TheSantals
The Santals are one of the largest ethnic groups in India. They occupy primarily the Chotanagpur Plateau, with their settlements distributed over an area of 350 miles, from the Ganges to the Baitarani, between long. 86 degrees-88 degrees E and lat. 22 degrees-26 degrees N. Politically, this region extends through the states of Bihar, West Bengal, and northern Orissa. Within each of these states, the SANTAL population is concentrated as follows: Bihar--districts of SANTAL Parganas, Manbhum, Singhbhum, Bhagalpur, Hazaribagh, and Monghyr; West Bengal--districts of Bankura, Birbhum, and Midnapore; Orissa--districts of Mayurbhanj and Balasore.
Their social organization of the community is very complete; each village has its headman or manjhi, with his assistant the paranik; the jogmanghi is charged with the supervision of the morals of the young men and women; the naeke is the village priest, the godet is the village constable. Over a group of villages is the pargana or tribal chief. The Santal are divided into following exogamous sects/clans with respect to their surnames and Totem associated 1. Hansda 2. Murmu 3. Kisku 4. Hembram 5. Soren 6. Marndi 7. Tudu 8. Besra 9. Baskey 10. Pauria 11. Chaney 12. Bedea. Their social observances are complex, e.g. while some relations treat each other with the greatest reserve, between others the utmost freedom of intercourse is allowed.
Their social organization of the community is very complete; each village has its headman or manjhi, with his assistant the paranik; the jogmanghi is charged with the supervision of the morals of the young men and women; the naeke is the village priest, the godet is the village constable. Over a group of villages is the pargana or tribal chief. The Santal are divided into following exogamous sects/clans with respect to their surnames and Totem associated 1. Hansda 2. Murmu 3. Kisku 4. Hembram 5. Soren 6. Marndi 7. Tudu 8. Besra 9. Baskey 10. Pauria 11. Chaney 12. Bedea. Their social observances are complex, e.g. while some relations treat each other with the greatest reserve, between others the utmost freedom of intercourse is allowed.
Maajhi/Boatmen of Bengal
The boatman/maajhi’s presence is woven into the fabric of rural Bengal. You can’t imagine the Bengal countryside without its stretch of river and a few boats plying on the surface. Rivers came before roads were even dreamt of.
On the map of West Bengal, rivers appear like so many veins on a leaf. And, rising like a mist from the rivers, is the figure of a boatman as the ages have known him. He is dark and sinewy with muscles like so much rope running down shoulder and arm. The furrows lie deep on his forehead, for the sheer effort of rowing causes him to crease his brow. Atop the heavily tanned face rests a thin turban, more a sunscreen than an ornament. The oars are held by chapped, work worn hands. The eyes are screwed against the harsh light of the sun on running water. He is thin, he is overworked. As likely as not, it’s the plug of tobacco in his mouth that keeps him going, unless it be the brave, indomitable spirit of his forefathers.
The boatmen of Bengal come of different stocks. Many belong to the Bagdi caste which is spread over a wide area in the districts of Burdwan, Hooghly, Midnapore, Bankura, Birbhum and the 24 Parganas. Bagdis are mostly agricultural laborers but their passion for fishing has lured them to the waterways.
There are members of other communities too, among the boatmen of Bengal, chiefly Muslims. But there is little to tell them apart from one another save perhaps the mode of dress which extends to a lungi and skull cap as well as a full beard. For the rest they are the same – with similar lifestyles and the same fears, the same concerns. Both Hindus and Muslim villagers offer prayers before a river journey. The deities differ from place to place.
Along the Ganges, worship is offered to images of the Ganga riding a makara (a mythical aquatic animal with the body of an elephant). Teesta, the most turbulent river of north Bengal, is personified as Teestabudhi (old lady Teesta) and is offered ceremonial worship to the accompaniment of music and dance. A certain river deity in Bengal is known as Dariy-Pir. He is said to be a deified Muslim saint who presides over rivers in general. Members of all communities offer worship in his name, in the hope of having a safe journey by boat. In the coastal region, the names of goddess Ganga, Bahruddin Ghazi and the (unspecified) Five Pirs along with Dariya-Pir, are chanted by Muslim boatmen before setting out on a journey on any big river.
The method of ceremonial worship is very simple. A small pit, symbolizing a river, is dug in the ground. It is filled with milk and two small human images are taken across the pit a number of times symbolizing a safe journey by river Uncooked food is also offered to the deities and legend of Dariya Pir is narrated to focus on his miraculous powers.
And well might the boatmen worship his gods for his life is fraught with dangers. Even he has grown to manhood on that same river, handling an oar when others handled no more than a hoop, even if he understands all the signs and portents, he is at the mercy of the elements. There’s danger from storms and cyclones, particularly in coastal areas. In and around Midnapore district for example, cyclones are fierce and frequent and for the light country boat out by itself on river or sea, the lashing, howling winds spell terror. Even the sudden localized storms known as Norwesters can whip up the waves to a fury. A savage shark is no friend, neither is the tall wave known as a ‘bore’ that suddenly goes riding upstream from the mouth of the Hooghly. And every time a ship plies the waters, even on a peaceful, windless day, it sends the surface of the river and the country boat into a tizzy.
One sometimes wonders why boatmen remain boatmen. It must be because they are trained for no other profession. Or why else would they live out their lives precariously balanced on the poverty line? Like other unskilled/Semi-skilled laborers, they are haunted by insecurity, fear of illness and a sudden, unavoidable financial drain. In recent years, with the advent of fishing trawlers and power driven ferries and motor launches, the country boat is less in demand. A fisherman cannot match the performance of a trawler and a motor ferry will leave the best country boat far behind. But, plying a row boat or sail boat, skiff or catamaran, the boatman is here to stay.
Rivers are the lifeline of rural Bengal and worship of rivers (as distinct from river deities) is also deeply ingrained in the psyche of the rural population. During the ‘Sedo’ festival, which falls on the last day of Paus (December-January), Hindu women prepare small, floatable, boat-like structures out of banana trunks, placing inside them small round balls of jaggery and lighted candles. Decorated with marigold flowers and laced with prayers, these boats are floated down the river at sundown. To a villager, a boat is highly symbolic. It is a means of reaching somewhere, be it the opposite bank, the next village, the open sea or the shrine of the river goddess itself. At the time of fairs and festivals, country boats are much in demand. The Ganga Sagar mela (fair) held on an island at the mouth of the Hooghly, witnesses whole fleets of country boats converging on the sacred ghats.
To the boatman, his boat is a home away from home. If he wanders far, a rough canopy of wood and tin offers a place to cook and sleep and a little niche to keep his things safe against the ever flying spray. And when loneliness grips him, he sits in the prow of his boat and sings. Most often his songs are based on the style known as Bhatiyali. This is regional in Character, inasmuch as it is sung all over the lower regions of the eastern districts of Bengal, known as Bhati (the lowlands). The whole region of Bhati is covered by vast stretches of water, particularly during the rainy season. The boatmen playing their boats in this area sing such songs. Bhatiyali is never sung in groups, but always individually, expressing the deepest feelings of love and devotion of the human soul. This is essentially a song of loneliness, sung by boatmen during their leisure, helm in hand, while the boat floats on by itself down the river, at low tide.
Bhatiyal is a-rhythmic, as compared to Sari, that other sytle of singing which is rhythmic and often fast. Sari is the style adopted during manual work, a perfect example being the pulling of oars in unison during the boat races sometimes held in lower Bengal.
The boatmen of Bengal have long been a motif of great inspiration to painters. How many have depicted the Bengal countryside: paddy fields – an incredible shade of green, coconut palms rising to meet the sky, and the river floating by with one lone boat on its bosom. Or a clutch of country boats, supremely river-worthy craft, with sails unfurled. Tattered sails made of canvas and patched with other materials, in different colours. Or else the silhouette of a boatman in the prow of his boat gliding into the sunset.(Collected)
On the map of West Bengal, rivers appear like so many veins on a leaf. And, rising like a mist from the rivers, is the figure of a boatman as the ages have known him. He is dark and sinewy with muscles like so much rope running down shoulder and arm. The furrows lie deep on his forehead, for the sheer effort of rowing causes him to crease his brow. Atop the heavily tanned face rests a thin turban, more a sunscreen than an ornament. The oars are held by chapped, work worn hands. The eyes are screwed against the harsh light of the sun on running water. He is thin, he is overworked. As likely as not, it’s the plug of tobacco in his mouth that keeps him going, unless it be the brave, indomitable spirit of his forefathers.
The boatmen of Bengal come of different stocks. Many belong to the Bagdi caste which is spread over a wide area in the districts of Burdwan, Hooghly, Midnapore, Bankura, Birbhum and the 24 Parganas. Bagdis are mostly agricultural laborers but their passion for fishing has lured them to the waterways.
There are members of other communities too, among the boatmen of Bengal, chiefly Muslims. But there is little to tell them apart from one another save perhaps the mode of dress which extends to a lungi and skull cap as well as a full beard. For the rest they are the same – with similar lifestyles and the same fears, the same concerns. Both Hindus and Muslim villagers offer prayers before a river journey. The deities differ from place to place.
Along the Ganges, worship is offered to images of the Ganga riding a makara (a mythical aquatic animal with the body of an elephant). Teesta, the most turbulent river of north Bengal, is personified as Teestabudhi (old lady Teesta) and is offered ceremonial worship to the accompaniment of music and dance. A certain river deity in Bengal is known as Dariy-Pir. He is said to be a deified Muslim saint who presides over rivers in general. Members of all communities offer worship in his name, in the hope of having a safe journey by boat. In the coastal region, the names of goddess Ganga, Bahruddin Ghazi and the (unspecified) Five Pirs along with Dariya-Pir, are chanted by Muslim boatmen before setting out on a journey on any big river.
The method of ceremonial worship is very simple. A small pit, symbolizing a river, is dug in the ground. It is filled with milk and two small human images are taken across the pit a number of times symbolizing a safe journey by river Uncooked food is also offered to the deities and legend of Dariya Pir is narrated to focus on his miraculous powers.
And well might the boatmen worship his gods for his life is fraught with dangers. Even he has grown to manhood on that same river, handling an oar when others handled no more than a hoop, even if he understands all the signs and portents, he is at the mercy of the elements. There’s danger from storms and cyclones, particularly in coastal areas. In and around Midnapore district for example, cyclones are fierce and frequent and for the light country boat out by itself on river or sea, the lashing, howling winds spell terror. Even the sudden localized storms known as Norwesters can whip up the waves to a fury. A savage shark is no friend, neither is the tall wave known as a ‘bore’ that suddenly goes riding upstream from the mouth of the Hooghly. And every time a ship plies the waters, even on a peaceful, windless day, it sends the surface of the river and the country boat into a tizzy.
One sometimes wonders why boatmen remain boatmen. It must be because they are trained for no other profession. Or why else would they live out their lives precariously balanced on the poverty line? Like other unskilled/Semi-skilled laborers, they are haunted by insecurity, fear of illness and a sudden, unavoidable financial drain. In recent years, with the advent of fishing trawlers and power driven ferries and motor launches, the country boat is less in demand. A fisherman cannot match the performance of a trawler and a motor ferry will leave the best country boat far behind. But, plying a row boat or sail boat, skiff or catamaran, the boatman is here to stay.
Rivers are the lifeline of rural Bengal and worship of rivers (as distinct from river deities) is also deeply ingrained in the psyche of the rural population. During the ‘Sedo’ festival, which falls on the last day of Paus (December-January), Hindu women prepare small, floatable, boat-like structures out of banana trunks, placing inside them small round balls of jaggery and lighted candles. Decorated with marigold flowers and laced with prayers, these boats are floated down the river at sundown. To a villager, a boat is highly symbolic. It is a means of reaching somewhere, be it the opposite bank, the next village, the open sea or the shrine of the river goddess itself. At the time of fairs and festivals, country boats are much in demand. The Ganga Sagar mela (fair) held on an island at the mouth of the Hooghly, witnesses whole fleets of country boats converging on the sacred ghats.
To the boatman, his boat is a home away from home. If he wanders far, a rough canopy of wood and tin offers a place to cook and sleep and a little niche to keep his things safe against the ever flying spray. And when loneliness grips him, he sits in the prow of his boat and sings. Most often his songs are based on the style known as Bhatiyali. This is regional in Character, inasmuch as it is sung all over the lower regions of the eastern districts of Bengal, known as Bhati (the lowlands). The whole region of Bhati is covered by vast stretches of water, particularly during the rainy season. The boatmen playing their boats in this area sing such songs. Bhatiyali is never sung in groups, but always individually, expressing the deepest feelings of love and devotion of the human soul. This is essentially a song of loneliness, sung by boatmen during their leisure, helm in hand, while the boat floats on by itself down the river, at low tide.
Bhatiyal is a-rhythmic, as compared to Sari, that other sytle of singing which is rhythmic and often fast. Sari is the style adopted during manual work, a perfect example being the pulling of oars in unison during the boat races sometimes held in lower Bengal.
The boatmen of Bengal have long been a motif of great inspiration to painters. How many have depicted the Bengal countryside: paddy fields – an incredible shade of green, coconut palms rising to meet the sky, and the river floating by with one lone boat on its bosom. Or a clutch of country boats, supremely river-worthy craft, with sails unfurled. Tattered sails made of canvas and patched with other materials, in different colours. Or else the silhouette of a boatman in the prow of his boat gliding into the sunset.(Collected)
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