Sunday, May 31, 2009
HELP THEM!!!!
These are some disturbing pictures of post Aila Cyclone in the southern parts North and South 24 Paraganas of West Bengal.
We are requesting you to put some of your wealth to these people.
We are requesting you to put some of your wealth to these people.
Saturday, May 23, 2009
SholaCraft
Face of Goddess Durga. Two other is dry flower. Both are made of Shola.
Shola Craft The craftsmen use spongy stem of shola plants which grow in marshlands or paddy fields. Its scientific name is Aeschymene aspera. Shola plants have an important role to play in the natural and social environment of the country.
There is a legend about the use of shola crafts. It is said that while going to wed Himalaya's daughter Parvati, Shiva desired to wear a conical white hat. As the celestial artist Vishvakarma began looking for an appropriate material to make the hat, a kind of plant grew in the wetland as desired by Shiva. This was the shola or spongewood plant. But Visvakarma was used to working with only hard materials like stone or wood and not with soft shola. Once again at Shiva's desire there appeared in the marsh a handsome youngman and he was named Malakar. All those who are now connected with the shola craft are thus known as malakars and belonging to the Hindu community. Traditionally, the malakars made a variety of hats, ornaments for the deities, background scenery for idol worships, temple decorations, garlands, toys and decorative pieces for homes with shola. Blacksmiths and carpenters are worshipers of Visvakarma but malakars worship Shiva as they believe they owe their existence to Shiva and therefore are obliged to worship him.
Almost the whole of the shola plant is its stem. Its bark is grey and inner body white. It grows to a height of 5-6 feet. The circumference of the stem is 2 to 3 inches long. There are two species of shola: kath shola and bhat shola. Kath shola is rather hard but bhat shola is light in weight and soft.
Not much equipment is required in shola craft. A sharp knife and a piece of stone or wood are enough. First, the shola is cut into pieces with knife. Then, with the help of the knife a fine strip of shola is taken out and cut to make various motifs of flowers. To make hats, birds, ornaments and background scenes the cut strips are pasted together and then moulded into various shapes and sizes. The craftsmen themselves make pasting gum from the tamarind seeds. These days they also use gums from the market.
In every parts of Bengal shola craft is a way to put faith to the almighty. In north bengal Rajbansi community use to carve Mashan dools a lessergod in the occassion of Manasa Puja.
Also they use to make Manjush.
PausSangkranti
Paus Sangkranti(Last Day of Paus) a Hindu festival, also known as pausparvan or makar samkranti (marking the transition of the sun from Sagittarius to Capricorn, in Magh). It is commonly believed that a dip in the Ganges on this day washes away all sins. It is also the time to begin the vow of dadhi samkranti. In some areas it is the time for a new crop festival marked by making cakes(Pitha) in every home.
During paus samkranti, Hindus recite rhymes to announce the return of the month of Paus and to wish everyone's well-being. On this occasion a sheaf of paddy, known as bauni or tying of bauri, is tied to a pole of the house. In Bangladesh people observe the day by worshipping the dwelling place. For the occasion a crocodile, made of earth, is placed on a raised platform and worshipped. RABINDRANATH TAGORE introduced Paus festival at Santiniketan to mark the harvesting of winter crop.
During paus samkranti, Hindus recite rhymes to announce the return of the month of Paus and to wish everyone's well-being. On this occasion a sheaf of paddy, known as bauni or tying of bauri, is tied to a pole of the house. In Bangladesh people observe the day by worshipping the dwelling place. For the occasion a crocodile, made of earth, is placed on a raised platform and worshipped. RABINDRANATH TAGORE introduced Paus festival at Santiniketan to mark the harvesting of winter crop.
WoodCarving
The village community halls also known as chandimantaps, which were the centres of rural culture had the best of pillars, brackets beams etc. made out of beautifully carved wood. Some of the chandimandaps can be seen at Antpur and Sripur-Balagarh in the Hooghly district and also in Ula-Birnagar in Nadia district. The examples of wood carving of West Bengal can best be seen in the wooden images of village temples. Some domestic shrines are also made of wood and beautifully carved. Carved figures in classical tradition though simple are very expressive. The style is folk and the subject includes folk gods, goddess and figures. The wood from Bel and neem is used for carving and the figures are then painted with colours.
In Burdwan district of West Bengal, the wood carvers are known as sutradhars and are best known for huge platters and bowls which are made out of mango wood. In south Bengal, in the districts of 24-parganas and Howrah, both Hindu and Muslim community practises this craft form. Beautifully wood carved furniture is made here with teak, sisham and mahogany. Delicate and fine carving can be seen on wood panels and furnitures here. Bengal is also famous for the Raths which are made of wood and festooned with carved panels. The panels of the raths have figures carved into geometric and floral motifs. The raths usually also have a pair of horses.
Wood is widely used for making toys and decorative panels. Kalighat dolls & Natungram wood carvings are worth mentioning. Image made in wood relate back to traditional icons, deities some of them stylised to a modern look.
New materials and innovative techniques are being used by the artisans to produce useful and aesthetic products. Folk motifs and ingredients are being effectively used for a greater market.other decorative itmes.
In Burdwan district of West Bengal, the wood carvers are known as sutradhars and are best known for huge platters and bowls which are made out of mango wood. In south Bengal, in the districts of 24-parganas and Howrah, both Hindu and Muslim community practises this craft form. Beautifully wood carved furniture is made here with teak, sisham and mahogany. Delicate and fine carving can be seen on wood panels and furnitures here. Bengal is also famous for the Raths which are made of wood and festooned with carved panels. The panels of the raths have figures carved into geometric and floral motifs. The raths usually also have a pair of horses.
Wood is widely used for making toys and decorative panels. Kalighat dolls & Natungram wood carvings are worth mentioning. Image made in wood relate back to traditional icons, deities some of them stylised to a modern look.
New materials and innovative techniques are being used by the artisans to produce useful and aesthetic products. Folk motifs and ingredients are being effectively used for a greater market.other decorative itmes.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
Manasa
Before getting on with this very interesting tale of religion and romance it is necessary to say a few words about Manasa, the Hindu goddess who plays a major role in it.
In most ancient Hindu religious texts Manasa is said to be the daughter of Kasyapa, a famous sage, and Kadru, the sister of the serpent-king Sesha. Unlike her uncle Manasa is still actively worshipped as a goddess who protects and saves humans from snake-bites. Her cult is most prevalent in Bengal where she is ceremoniously worshipped in temples. She is also attributed with the powers of curing infectious diseases like small-pox and of bringing wealth and prosperity. At the onset of the rainy season, when the snakes are most active, she is ritually invoked with sacrifices and offerings. She is probably a pre-Aryan goddess but this tale is of more recent vintage and comes from Bengal where she is most revered and tells how she gained recognition for herself as a potent member of the Hindu pantheon.
Not too long ago, in the fair and lovely land of Bengal, there lived a rich merchant named Chand. He was blessed with six sons but was, unfortunately a widower. Nevertheless he was always attentive to his sons' needs and they never felt the absence of a mother in their lives. They all lived in a beautiful mansion surrounded by colorful gardens nestling by the curvaceous banks of the Ganges. Chand was a devout worshipper of Shiva. He was so ardent in his devotions that he refused to acknowledge any other god or goddess. Manasa heard of this. At that time she had no devotees on earth and she became determined to force Chand to offer worship to her and become her first follower. Since Chand was well-known and widely respected she was sure that if she could get him to worship her other people would follow and she would soon have a large number of devotees. So Manasa approached Chand and ordered him to offer worship to her. Chand was not impressed with the goddess's demand. He ignored her and insulted her, calling her an ugly, black, one-eyed witch who ate frogs. He absolutely refused to give up worship of such a sweet lord as Shiva for a miserable creature like her.
Manasa was furious and, in retribution, dsestroyed Chand's beautiful gardens but Chand had been granted magical powers by Shiva and, with these, rebuilt his gardens instantly. So Manasa devised a new plan to ensnare Chand. She transformed herself into a beautiful maiden and appeared before Chand. Chand was a widower and was enchanted by the beauty of the maiden. He resolved to make her his bride and, without delay, approached her with his marriage proposal. The disguised Manasa was overjoyed with her success and very shrewdly told Chand that she would agree to become his wife if only he conceded his magical powers to her. Chand was so charmed by Manasa's outward appearance that he readily agreed and they were married with great pomp and glory. As soon as this was done, on their wedding night, when Chand approached his new bride, Manasa revealed her true self. She demanded, as before, that Chand forsake Shiva and take up worshipping her. Though greatly shocked Chand was adamant and absolutely refused to worship someone he thought of as the ugly snake woman. This angered Manasa even further and she destroyed Chand's gardens again. This time, as Chand had bequeathed his magical powers to Manasa, he could not rebuild them again. Yet he would not give in to the goddess's demand.
The infuriated goddess now resolved to torment Chand till he would agree to succumb to her wishes. First she had each of Chand's sons, one by one, to get bitten by poisonous snakes. They all died. When Chand still did not submit to her she had his cargo-laden ships capsized. He himself was cast away on a solitary island and he had to overcome a great number of hardships before he could get back home. Still he refused to become his devotee. He started his life all over again. Of all his near and dear ones there was no-one left. This caused him great sorrow but, with great perseverance and industry, Chand rebuild his fortunes and regained his former eminence in the community. He remarried and, soon, a son was born to him. With immense love and affection Chand named him Lakhinder.
The years passed gently and Lakhinder grew up to be a handsome young lad. Everyone loved him for his sweet nature. Chand began to look around for a suitable bride for him. Ultimately he chose Beulah, a lovely girl who he thought would make the perfect match for his son. The couple was betrothed and the wedding date was fixed. Manasa, who had not yet given up her resolve to subdue Chand, heard of this and approached him and again demanded that he give up worship of Shiva and become her follower. As usual Chand refused and Manasa grew furious at his insolence. She threatened him that if he did not do she wanted she would have his son Lakhinder bitten by a poisonous snake on his wedding night but Chand was not one to be easily intimidated. He began building a room made entirely of metal in which he resolved that Lakhinder would spend his wedding night with his bride Beulah.
No snake would ever be able to get into the thoroughly sealed metal cabin. Manasa heard of his plan and appeared before the architect who was to build the metal bridal chamber. She was terrible to look at and was known to be vengeful and bad-tempered. The architect was easily intimidated by her reputation and when she told him that she wanted him to leave a small hole in the door of the metal chamber he fearfully agreed. So Lakhinder's bridal chamber was built. From the outside it look invulnerable but the architect had, in mortal fear of Manasa, left a small hole at the bottom of the only door.
The wedding of Lakhinder and Beulah took place as scheduled with appropriate ceremony. Chand did not spare any effort or money to make the wedding of his only son and heir a memorable event in that part of the country. After the ceremonies and celebrations were over and it was night the bridegroom and bride were led into the metal chamber and Chand himself locked the door from outside. Night fell and the couple, thinking that they were safely ensconced in that impregnable room, observed their first rites of love. Soon after, Lakhinder fell asleep but Beulah lay awake for some time. She was nervous and alert despite the reported security of the room and her fears soon proved to be true. A snake came slithering into the room through the hole in the door. She offered it a dish of milk and it was so grateful for this favor that it left the room without harming her husband.
After this snake after snake slipped into the room through the small aperture the architect had left but Beulah offered each a dish of milk and each went away without harming Lakhinder. At last, however, Beulah could stay awake no more. She was too tired after the day's festivities. Soon after she fell asleep another snake slipped into the room and bit Lakhinder and went away. His cries of pain wakened the entire house but no-one could help. He died, as Manasa had threatened he would if Chand did not obey her command.
It was the custom in the Bengal of that time to set afloat on the river the bodies of persons who had died from snake-bites. Though the custom may seem strange there was logic in it. It was the general belief that a person who had died from snake-bite still had life within his or her body and it needed only an expert snake-charmer to bring such a person back to life.
Thus the dead body was not cremated. It was set afloat on the river in the hope that a snake-charmer may see it and help bring it back to life. So a raft was built and the grief-stricken father arranged for his son's last rites. When the body was ready to be placed on the raft and set afloat Beulah expressed the wish that she too would accompany her husband's dead body on its last voyage. She said that she had come to love him too much to be separated from him even by death. So she too was placed on the raft with Lakhinder's dead body and the raft was set afloat on the surging waters of the broad Ganges.
The raft, with Beulah and the dead body of Lakhinder, drifted down the river for many days and many miles till it reached the estuary where the river met with the sea. This place, The Sunderbans (Beautiful Forests), was a network of distributaries that spread like an intricate cobweb through dense mangrove forests. Very few people lived here as fresh water was scarce. Here, at a bathing place, Beulah saw a washerwoman washing clothes. Her little child was there on the bank and he was crying bitterly, probably demanding something or other. He kept crying till, at length, she became incensed with his tantrums gave him such a hard slap that he died on the spot. Beulah was amazed at this but said nothing. The raft had got struck in a maze of mangrove roots and Beulah could do nothing but sit and watch the woman perform her daily chore. When the woman had finished washing all the clothes she got onto the bank and spread them on the grass to dry. Then she went over to the dead body of her son and sprinkled some water on his face. Beulah was amazed to see that the boy got up and, smiling, took his mother's hand and they both started to walk away.
Beulah realized that the woman was no ordinary mortal and had magical powers and she saw an opportunity in this of reviving her dead husband and called after the washerwoman. She got out of the raft and went up to the woman and told her what had happened to her husband. She pleaded with her asking her to revive her husband as she had done her own child. Actually, the woman had been sent by Manasa to work her miracle with the child before Beulah so that she would be induced to seek her help. Manasa's plan worked and when Beulah asked the woman to help her she immediately led her to the goddess.
When Beulah reached Manasa's abode and asked for her blessing in bringing back her husband to life the goddess told her what she had done. She told Beulah that she was willing to bring Lakhinder back to life only on one condition. That was, that Beulah went back and converted Chand, her father-in-law, to her worship. Beulah readily agreed and, accordingly, Manasa revived Lakhinder. Beulah was overjoyed and, together, husband and wife asked for Manasa's blessings and set off for their home on the same raft that had been used for the terrible journey with Lakhinder's lifeless body.
When they reached home Beulah told her father-in-law about Manasa's condition and that the goddess had threatened to have Lakhinder bitten by a snake if Chand did not obey her. Faced by the pleading eyes of his beautiful daughter-in-law Chand's resolve broke at last. He agreed to offer worship to Manasa but he compromised and, during the rites of worship, used only his left hand to perform the ceremonies.
Nevertheless Manasa was pleased and she blessed Chand and his family with peace and prosperity. Her fame on earth was also established after this story spread and many devotees thronged to her altar. Manasa became a goddess to be feared and revered.
In most ancient Hindu religious texts Manasa is said to be the daughter of Kasyapa, a famous sage, and Kadru, the sister of the serpent-king Sesha. Unlike her uncle Manasa is still actively worshipped as a goddess who protects and saves humans from snake-bites. Her cult is most prevalent in Bengal where she is ceremoniously worshipped in temples. She is also attributed with the powers of curing infectious diseases like small-pox and of bringing wealth and prosperity. At the onset of the rainy season, when the snakes are most active, she is ritually invoked with sacrifices and offerings. She is probably a pre-Aryan goddess but this tale is of more recent vintage and comes from Bengal where she is most revered and tells how she gained recognition for herself as a potent member of the Hindu pantheon.
Not too long ago, in the fair and lovely land of Bengal, there lived a rich merchant named Chand. He was blessed with six sons but was, unfortunately a widower. Nevertheless he was always attentive to his sons' needs and they never felt the absence of a mother in their lives. They all lived in a beautiful mansion surrounded by colorful gardens nestling by the curvaceous banks of the Ganges. Chand was a devout worshipper of Shiva. He was so ardent in his devotions that he refused to acknowledge any other god or goddess. Manasa heard of this. At that time she had no devotees on earth and she became determined to force Chand to offer worship to her and become her first follower. Since Chand was well-known and widely respected she was sure that if she could get him to worship her other people would follow and she would soon have a large number of devotees. So Manasa approached Chand and ordered him to offer worship to her. Chand was not impressed with the goddess's demand. He ignored her and insulted her, calling her an ugly, black, one-eyed witch who ate frogs. He absolutely refused to give up worship of such a sweet lord as Shiva for a miserable creature like her.
Manasa was furious and, in retribution, dsestroyed Chand's beautiful gardens but Chand had been granted magical powers by Shiva and, with these, rebuilt his gardens instantly. So Manasa devised a new plan to ensnare Chand. She transformed herself into a beautiful maiden and appeared before Chand. Chand was a widower and was enchanted by the beauty of the maiden. He resolved to make her his bride and, without delay, approached her with his marriage proposal. The disguised Manasa was overjoyed with her success and very shrewdly told Chand that she would agree to become his wife if only he conceded his magical powers to her. Chand was so charmed by Manasa's outward appearance that he readily agreed and they were married with great pomp and glory. As soon as this was done, on their wedding night, when Chand approached his new bride, Manasa revealed her true self. She demanded, as before, that Chand forsake Shiva and take up worshipping her. Though greatly shocked Chand was adamant and absolutely refused to worship someone he thought of as the ugly snake woman. This angered Manasa even further and she destroyed Chand's gardens again. This time, as Chand had bequeathed his magical powers to Manasa, he could not rebuild them again. Yet he would not give in to the goddess's demand.
The infuriated goddess now resolved to torment Chand till he would agree to succumb to her wishes. First she had each of Chand's sons, one by one, to get bitten by poisonous snakes. They all died. When Chand still did not submit to her she had his cargo-laden ships capsized. He himself was cast away on a solitary island and he had to overcome a great number of hardships before he could get back home. Still he refused to become his devotee. He started his life all over again. Of all his near and dear ones there was no-one left. This caused him great sorrow but, with great perseverance and industry, Chand rebuild his fortunes and regained his former eminence in the community. He remarried and, soon, a son was born to him. With immense love and affection Chand named him Lakhinder.
The years passed gently and Lakhinder grew up to be a handsome young lad. Everyone loved him for his sweet nature. Chand began to look around for a suitable bride for him. Ultimately he chose Beulah, a lovely girl who he thought would make the perfect match for his son. The couple was betrothed and the wedding date was fixed. Manasa, who had not yet given up her resolve to subdue Chand, heard of this and approached him and again demanded that he give up worship of Shiva and become her follower. As usual Chand refused and Manasa grew furious at his insolence. She threatened him that if he did not do she wanted she would have his son Lakhinder bitten by a poisonous snake on his wedding night but Chand was not one to be easily intimidated. He began building a room made entirely of metal in which he resolved that Lakhinder would spend his wedding night with his bride Beulah.
No snake would ever be able to get into the thoroughly sealed metal cabin. Manasa heard of his plan and appeared before the architect who was to build the metal bridal chamber. She was terrible to look at and was known to be vengeful and bad-tempered. The architect was easily intimidated by her reputation and when she told him that she wanted him to leave a small hole in the door of the metal chamber he fearfully agreed. So Lakhinder's bridal chamber was built. From the outside it look invulnerable but the architect had, in mortal fear of Manasa, left a small hole at the bottom of the only door.
The wedding of Lakhinder and Beulah took place as scheduled with appropriate ceremony. Chand did not spare any effort or money to make the wedding of his only son and heir a memorable event in that part of the country. After the ceremonies and celebrations were over and it was night the bridegroom and bride were led into the metal chamber and Chand himself locked the door from outside. Night fell and the couple, thinking that they were safely ensconced in that impregnable room, observed their first rites of love. Soon after, Lakhinder fell asleep but Beulah lay awake for some time. She was nervous and alert despite the reported security of the room and her fears soon proved to be true. A snake came slithering into the room through the hole in the door. She offered it a dish of milk and it was so grateful for this favor that it left the room without harming her husband.
After this snake after snake slipped into the room through the small aperture the architect had left but Beulah offered each a dish of milk and each went away without harming Lakhinder. At last, however, Beulah could stay awake no more. She was too tired after the day's festivities. Soon after she fell asleep another snake slipped into the room and bit Lakhinder and went away. His cries of pain wakened the entire house but no-one could help. He died, as Manasa had threatened he would if Chand did not obey her command.
It was the custom in the Bengal of that time to set afloat on the river the bodies of persons who had died from snake-bites. Though the custom may seem strange there was logic in it. It was the general belief that a person who had died from snake-bite still had life within his or her body and it needed only an expert snake-charmer to bring such a person back to life.
Thus the dead body was not cremated. It was set afloat on the river in the hope that a snake-charmer may see it and help bring it back to life. So a raft was built and the grief-stricken father arranged for his son's last rites. When the body was ready to be placed on the raft and set afloat Beulah expressed the wish that she too would accompany her husband's dead body on its last voyage. She said that she had come to love him too much to be separated from him even by death. So she too was placed on the raft with Lakhinder's dead body and the raft was set afloat on the surging waters of the broad Ganges.
The raft, with Beulah and the dead body of Lakhinder, drifted down the river for many days and many miles till it reached the estuary where the river met with the sea. This place, The Sunderbans (Beautiful Forests), was a network of distributaries that spread like an intricate cobweb through dense mangrove forests. Very few people lived here as fresh water was scarce. Here, at a bathing place, Beulah saw a washerwoman washing clothes. Her little child was there on the bank and he was crying bitterly, probably demanding something or other. He kept crying till, at length, she became incensed with his tantrums gave him such a hard slap that he died on the spot. Beulah was amazed at this but said nothing. The raft had got struck in a maze of mangrove roots and Beulah could do nothing but sit and watch the woman perform her daily chore. When the woman had finished washing all the clothes she got onto the bank and spread them on the grass to dry. Then she went over to the dead body of her son and sprinkled some water on his face. Beulah was amazed to see that the boy got up and, smiling, took his mother's hand and they both started to walk away.
Beulah realized that the woman was no ordinary mortal and had magical powers and she saw an opportunity in this of reviving her dead husband and called after the washerwoman. She got out of the raft and went up to the woman and told her what had happened to her husband. She pleaded with her asking her to revive her husband as she had done her own child. Actually, the woman had been sent by Manasa to work her miracle with the child before Beulah so that she would be induced to seek her help. Manasa's plan worked and when Beulah asked the woman to help her she immediately led her to the goddess.
When Beulah reached Manasa's abode and asked for her blessing in bringing back her husband to life the goddess told her what she had done. She told Beulah that she was willing to bring Lakhinder back to life only on one condition. That was, that Beulah went back and converted Chand, her father-in-law, to her worship. Beulah readily agreed and, accordingly, Manasa revived Lakhinder. Beulah was overjoyed and, together, husband and wife asked for Manasa's blessings and set off for their home on the same raft that had been used for the terrible journey with Lakhinder's lifeless body.
When they reached home Beulah told her father-in-law about Manasa's condition and that the goddess had threatened to have Lakhinder bitten by a snake if Chand did not obey her. Faced by the pleading eyes of his beautiful daughter-in-law Chand's resolve broke at last. He agreed to offer worship to Manasa but he compromised and, during the rites of worship, used only his left hand to perform the ceremonies.
Nevertheless Manasa was pleased and she blessed Chand and his family with peace and prosperity. Her fame on earth was also established after this story spread and many devotees thronged to her altar. Manasa became a goddess to be feared and revered.
SameBoatBrother - JanapadaLoka
Visited Janapada Loka Folk Museum in Bagalore with students from Srishti School of Art Design and Technology. I have included images and commentary about the day trip.
Janapada Loka is a museum with activities and artifacts that highlight folk-life and arts. The complex located on a 15 acre green belt, comprises a museum, an art gallery, open air theatre, studio and seminar halls. It is the brainchild of Mr H.L. Nage Gowda, an authority on the folklore of Karnataka.
In this environmental, cultural and design-based lab Course: Voicing Cultural Memories, Environment & Practices, Meena and I will explore the role of the folk arts in a culturally pluralistic society and the place of public folklore and alternative medicinal traditions. The lab will create a forum to discuss diverse themes such as cultural products, the movement of cultural products and values. The Lab aims to familiarize students the relationship between people and environment, cultural memory, language, identity and expression in art/craft sustainability and bio diversity.
The fieldwork for the lab is located in Uttara Karnataka and different folklore organizations in Karnataka. The methodology in this class is based on discussions/films/readings and field visits to folklore sights and documenting and interviews with Indigenous people of Karnataka.
The course outline is as following:
1. History of folk, traditional arts and culture - Role of arts and place of folklore in a culturally pluralistic society.
2. Craft and Sustainability - ways of life, livelihoods, historical experience and migrations
3. Cultural memories and Identity -transmission, movements of cultural products and values
4. Biodiversity and sustainable development
5. What do we mean by 'living human treasures'
Questioning contemporary ethnography - Debating on the ethical issues concerning the responsibility of the researchers to the people whose traditions they study.
Janapada Loka is a museum with activities and artifacts that highlight folk-life and arts. The complex located on a 15 acre green belt, comprises a museum, an art gallery, open air theatre, studio and seminar halls. It is the brainchild of Mr H.L. Nage Gowda, an authority on the folklore of Karnataka.
In this environmental, cultural and design-based lab Course: Voicing Cultural Memories, Environment & Practices, Meena and I will explore the role of the folk arts in a culturally pluralistic society and the place of public folklore and alternative medicinal traditions. The lab will create a forum to discuss diverse themes such as cultural products, the movement of cultural products and values. The Lab aims to familiarize students the relationship between people and environment, cultural memory, language, identity and expression in art/craft sustainability and bio diversity.
The fieldwork for the lab is located in Uttara Karnataka and different folklore organizations in Karnataka. The methodology in this class is based on discussions/films/readings and field visits to folklore sights and documenting and interviews with Indigenous people of Karnataka.
The course outline is as following:
1. History of folk, traditional arts and culture - Role of arts and place of folklore in a culturally pluralistic society.
2. Craft and Sustainability - ways of life, livelihoods, historical experience and migrations
3. Cultural memories and Identity -transmission, movements of cultural products and values
4. Biodiversity and sustainable development
5. What do we mean by 'living human treasures'
Questioning contemporary ethnography - Debating on the ethical issues concerning the responsibility of the researchers to the people whose traditions they study.
Kheda
Kheda an enclosure constructed to capture wild elephants for domestication. It was probably the African species that was first domesticated. Sanskrit texts laid down five methods of capturing elephants depending on the topographical regions: in pens or stockades (kheda); by means of female decoys; by mela shikar or noosing from the backs of trained elephants; by nooses concealed on the ground; and the pit method. Although the stockade method is the first to be described by ancient writers, it is said to be of Aryan origin. It is known that over 1,00,000 elephants have been captured in the whole of Asia during the last century. It is likely that elephants were originally tamed for military purposes. The use of elephants in war as a counter weapon had obvious advantages. One of the earliest occasions in which elephants were used in warfare was the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC. Today there are about 16000 captive Asian elephants in the 11 elephant range countries, the highest being in Myanmar, where the number is about 6,500 (wild stock: 5000), followed by Thailand, c. 4000 (wild stock: c. 1500) and India, c. 3000 (wild stock: c. 26,000). This number is about 40% of the present wild stock (n = c. 43000). In Bangladesh, there are about 100 elephants in captivity (wild stock: c. 200).
Even a hundred years ago, elephants were abundant in most of the forests of Bangladesh, and were to be found even in Madhupur forest near Dhaka. In fact, Dhaka's Elephant Road was used by trained elephants, which were brought from Peelkhana, where there was a royal elephant stable. Peelkhana is located in Dhaka to the northwest of Azimpur. Elephants were brought here from various parts of Bengal for necessary training before being sent out for duty to different parts of British India. During Mughal days, private zamindars also kept their elephants in Peelkhana on payment of fees. Demonstration of kheda (enclosures) operation used to take place here as late as the end of 19th century. The British army needed elephants for its guns and its commissariat. They transferred the regular elephant-catching establishment from Dhaka to Myanmar in 1900 because of the depletion of herds in Garo Hills as a result of excessive catching. Mahouttuli in Old Dhaka is a locality where the mahouts of Peelkhana lived. However, the elephants had disappeared from the area a few years before the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
Main functions of elephants were to remove logs cut from deep inside forests. Kheda operation, an indigenous device to capture wild elephant, was practised in Bengal from ancient times. From the colonial period, kheda became a particular source of income to the forest department. Sealed tenders are called for by the administration from contractors for quoting the royalties they could offer for each elephant to be caught in the proposed kheda. The rate of royalties for capturing elephant by kheda sometimes went up to Rs 750 for each elephant (Chittagong District Gazetteer 1967). Generally, kheda operations are organised during the winter season, when the forests are comparatively dry.
After observing all the formalities, the contractor used to come forward with a party of skilled and ordinary labourers consisting of l00 to 150 persons of whom 40 to 50 men must consist of labourers skilled in kheda operations. These labourers generally instruct ordinary labourers regarding the construction of the stockade and supervise their work. The success of a kheda depends on the selection of the site. Site selection is to be carried out by an experienced and skilled party consisting of 8 to 10 persons. Generally, elephants move about in herds in search of their fodder consisting mainly of various kind of grasses, bamboo leaves and shoots. If two or more elephant tracks met together to form a single big track at the end, such a place is considered to be the best site for the construction of the stockade. When such a place is found in a valley of two adjacent peaks, it is considered to be the most suitable site for construction of the kheda. A party of kheda watchers is then employed to watch over the elephant herds which are found in places near the stockade site at that time, so that the herd might not move far away from the place by the time the kheda is ready for the entrapment of the elephant.
After the selection of the kheda site, a circle having a diameter of 8 to 10 m, is laid on the ground with a gate of 3 to 4 m wide on the main track facing the elephant herds grazing at the time of kheda operations in the forest.
As the elephants proceeded towards kheda following their track, a driving party moved slowly on making noise and sound with the help of twisting bamboos, and mouth. The elephants slowly moved on towards the kheda on hearing the noise on their back. Driving was done in the evening and continued till morning.
As soon as the whole herd entered the stockade, the gate man cut the rope swiftly and the gate dropped down making the whole herd captive in the stockade. The elephants caught in kheda were kept unfed and undrunk at least for 24 hours to make them weak, tired and calm. Kheda operation has been stopped in Bangladesh since 1965.
Even a hundred years ago, elephants were abundant in most of the forests of Bangladesh, and were to be found even in Madhupur forest near Dhaka. In fact, Dhaka's Elephant Road was used by trained elephants, which were brought from Peelkhana, where there was a royal elephant stable. Peelkhana is located in Dhaka to the northwest of Azimpur. Elephants were brought here from various parts of Bengal for necessary training before being sent out for duty to different parts of British India. During Mughal days, private zamindars also kept their elephants in Peelkhana on payment of fees. Demonstration of kheda (enclosures) operation used to take place here as late as the end of 19th century. The British army needed elephants for its guns and its commissariat. They transferred the regular elephant-catching establishment from Dhaka to Myanmar in 1900 because of the depletion of herds in Garo Hills as a result of excessive catching. Mahouttuli in Old Dhaka is a locality where the mahouts of Peelkhana lived. However, the elephants had disappeared from the area a few years before the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
Main functions of elephants were to remove logs cut from deep inside forests. Kheda operation, an indigenous device to capture wild elephant, was practised in Bengal from ancient times. From the colonial period, kheda became a particular source of income to the forest department. Sealed tenders are called for by the administration from contractors for quoting the royalties they could offer for each elephant to be caught in the proposed kheda. The rate of royalties for capturing elephant by kheda sometimes went up to Rs 750 for each elephant (Chittagong District Gazetteer 1967). Generally, kheda operations are organised during the winter season, when the forests are comparatively dry.
After observing all the formalities, the contractor used to come forward with a party of skilled and ordinary labourers consisting of l00 to 150 persons of whom 40 to 50 men must consist of labourers skilled in kheda operations. These labourers generally instruct ordinary labourers regarding the construction of the stockade and supervise their work. The success of a kheda depends on the selection of the site. Site selection is to be carried out by an experienced and skilled party consisting of 8 to 10 persons. Generally, elephants move about in herds in search of their fodder consisting mainly of various kind of grasses, bamboo leaves and shoots. If two or more elephant tracks met together to form a single big track at the end, such a place is considered to be the best site for the construction of the stockade. When such a place is found in a valley of two adjacent peaks, it is considered to be the most suitable site for construction of the kheda. A party of kheda watchers is then employed to watch over the elephant herds which are found in places near the stockade site at that time, so that the herd might not move far away from the place by the time the kheda is ready for the entrapment of the elephant.
After the selection of the kheda site, a circle having a diameter of 8 to 10 m, is laid on the ground with a gate of 3 to 4 m wide on the main track facing the elephant herds grazing at the time of kheda operations in the forest.
As the elephants proceeded towards kheda following their track, a driving party moved slowly on making noise and sound with the help of twisting bamboos, and mouth. The elephants slowly moved on towards the kheda on hearing the noise on their back. Driving was done in the evening and continued till morning.
As soon as the whole herd entered the stockade, the gate man cut the rope swiftly and the gate dropped down making the whole herd captive in the stockade. The elephants caught in kheda were kept unfed and undrunk at least for 24 hours to make them weak, tired and calm. Kheda operation has been stopped in Bangladesh since 1965.
Same Boat Brother- Bharat Lok Kala Museum
The magnificent Bharat Lok Kala Museum or Bharat Lok Kala Mandal in Udaipur, Rajasthan was established by Padmashree Devilal Samar in the year 1952.
An enchanting folk and tribal arts centre, Bharat Lok Kala Museum was set up for reviving, preserving and promoting folk arts, theatre, culture and showcasing the colorful local traditions of Udaipur, Rajasthan, India.
The moment you step into the Bharat Lok Kala Museum portico you notice the splendid sculptural representations of Chamunda, Ambamata, Ratna Rebari and Dharmraj made of terracotta by the artists of Molela, a remote village located at a distance of 70 kilometers from Udaipur, Rajasthan, India.
As you step inside the Bharat Lok Kala Museum, Udaipur you see various folk art representations such as Pichwai wall paintings, Phad paintings, Khandas or swords, Mor Chopdas or vanity toilet cases, Pagris or turbans, musical intruments and a wide variety of local folk woodcraft.
Admire colorfully painted masks of deities and folk characters and watch cultural programs that are organized especially at the Bharat Lok Kala Museum auditorium. Watch puppeteers in action and regale Udaipur folk culture as local artists perform at cultural extravaganzas.
Besides the museum, the Bharat Lok Kala Mandal employs researchers who conduct surveys, identify artists and create a platform to bring their folk art talent to the fore. Besides all this, Bharat Lok Kala Mandal conducts activities like folk art photography, recording folk music, publishing books on folk arts and training folk artists.
An enchanting folk and tribal arts centre, Bharat Lok Kala Museum was set up for reviving, preserving and promoting folk arts, theatre, culture and showcasing the colorful local traditions of Udaipur, Rajasthan, India.
The moment you step into the Bharat Lok Kala Museum portico you notice the splendid sculptural representations of Chamunda, Ambamata, Ratna Rebari and Dharmraj made of terracotta by the artists of Molela, a remote village located at a distance of 70 kilometers from Udaipur, Rajasthan, India.
As you step inside the Bharat Lok Kala Museum, Udaipur you see various folk art representations such as Pichwai wall paintings, Phad paintings, Khandas or swords, Mor Chopdas or vanity toilet cases, Pagris or turbans, musical intruments and a wide variety of local folk woodcraft.
Admire colorfully painted masks of deities and folk characters and watch cultural programs that are organized especially at the Bharat Lok Kala Museum auditorium. Watch puppeteers in action and regale Udaipur folk culture as local artists perform at cultural extravaganzas.
Besides the museum, the Bharat Lok Kala Mandal employs researchers who conduct surveys, identify artists and create a platform to bring their folk art talent to the fore. Besides all this, Bharat Lok Kala Mandal conducts activities like folk art photography, recording folk music, publishing books on folk arts and training folk artists.
Aesthetics and Vocabolary of Nakshi KanthaBYPerveen Ahmad
Though the writeup depicts the culture of Bangladesh, KalabotiMudra is presenting here because of the geographical and cultural similarity.
The Author is a pioneer in the movement for bringing recognition to the crafts of Bangladesh starting in 1973, when handicrafts were considered the 'unsophisticated' products of rural masses. She put Bangladesh on the World Crafts Council, an affiliate of UNESCO in 1978. She set out to motivate and convince thousands of village artisans, for their heritage and it's immense value. She was instrumental in organising the 'First National Handicrafts Exhibition' at the Shilpa Kala Academy which led to the establishment of the first artisan's organisation in the country, Bangladesh Hastashilpa Samabaya Federation Ltd. in 1974, named Karika. We present here a lecture she delivered at the IGNCA.
The subject on Nakshi Kantha has barely been researched and the few scholars who wrote on the subject, such as Stella Kramrisch and Ajit Mukherjee wrote their pioneering works 58 years ago in 1939. The long gap between then and now has only been filled with several descriptive articles, both in India and Bangladesh.
In my search for background materials, I visited the British Library, London which was the India Office Library, and also the Philadelphia Museum in USA, where Stella Kramrisch's collection is kept. I found no mention of kantha in the British records. The absence of documentation on kantha automatically set limitations on my investigative efforts. I became convinced that the nakshi kantha had not been researched in depth. Kantha is like a personal diary, a letter one writes to a particular person, and is not meant to be read by all. In East Bengal the kantha was a personal expression, an art-craft that was made spontaneously, even whimsically. It was never commissioned by rulers, nor ordered by the landed gentry. It was a craft that was practised by women of all rural classes, the rich landlord's wife making her own elaborate embroidered quilt in her leisure time, and the tenant farmer's wife making her own thrifty, coverlet, equal in beauty and skill.
The lack of research material on the subject of kantha has, in a way, been a blessing in disguise. I was able to undertake my study with an open mind and build up my analysis based on investigative methodology. The Bangladesh National Museum Collection is the largest in the country comprising 994 objects, though more have been added since my study. These kanthas have been acquired from the districts of Faridpur, Jessore, Khulna, Rajshahi, Pabna, Rangpur, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Kushtia, Bogra, Kishoreganj, Tangail and Dhaka.
In the course of my study I made identification of the various types of kantha based on size, shape and utility of the object, and in some cases I was able to categorise the genre of the kantha. Establishing the genre is a task for further in-depth research, but in some kanthas the ritualistic or iconoclastic symbols were strong enough to point to magico - religious roots. As I sifted through almost a thousand pieces, I discovered certain streams of motifs and designs flowing through, and decided to classify them for purposes of a better interpretation. I was able to categorise through 600 line drawings valuable resource material of images and forms such as the tree of life, the kalka or paisley, birds, horses, elephants, abstract and tantric symbols, linear patterns and figural objects.
A major outcome of my study was the realisation of the sociological heritage in the objects. There are distinct features which led me to reading the aesthetics and vocabulary used by past society to express their culture. At this stage I decided to base my study on the methodology of LŽvi Claude-Strauss, a great theoretician whose 1962 book on 'Totemism' changed the approach and understanding of studies on primitive and ancient cultures. According to him, symbols or totems may be looked at through, "structural reading of forms".
He believed that, "as in all religious phenomena, so in totemism there is a feedback between signified and signifying; the emotions fed into the symbol or emblem are then re-emitted into the experience of the society which created them, and this is the source of the society itself." By following the guideline of LŽvi Claude-Straus's 'structuralism', I resorted to a study under the synchronic method, that is viewing the contents of the kantha, and I quote, "as it exists at a given time" and "contents itself with a minute examination of a system at a given moment of evolution, laterally." I have thus endeavoured to show the way to view the subconscious life of the rural people as it figured in myths, rites, social behaviour, and how the aesthetic sensitivity and abstract vocabulary took shape in the folk art of kantha. Of one thing I am absolutely sure, that is, the creative art of kantha has carried the objects beyond the level of mere skilful embroidery, to levels that reflect a spoken language and signify communicative discourse through its symbols.
The remarkable quality of kantha needlework as a purely spontaneous expression based on the personal desire of the embroiderer, is even more extraordinary because it appeared as a phenomena of a particular region as well as of an ethnic group and of a gender group. Only the women of rural East Bengal make and create exquisite kanthas. No two pieces are the same. There is no doubt that these inspired creations reflect abilities of a hand charged with powers beyond the realm of logic or training. That there is something special in the ethos of the women of East Bengal, is aptly described by Stella Kramrisch who says, "the kanthas of East Bengal are saturated with and express a numinous power, the shakti of this region, working through its women and given form by innumerable disciplined stitches".
At what point in time the nakshi kantha took shape may never be accurately known but it most likely had a precursor in the humble kheta, (khet in Hindi and Bangla means field), a coverlet used by village people made through the thrifty recycling of old saris and dhotis by sewing them together with linear stitches. The kheta was invented out of necessity and made in varying sizes and layers, starting with small pieces of cloth spread in the courtyard to lay new born babies on while they were massaged with mustard oil, to the light covers that adults use at night, and wrap over their shoulders in winter mornings.
The development of kantha art as it grew in the East Bengal region, emerged out of the collective folk expression of rural women using signs and symbols as personalised invocations. The transition of religious rites from high temples and the remoteness of Brahmanic scriptures underwent changes, transmitted through ascetic Hindu sadhus, Buddhist monks and tantric sign language. The village women became empowered with broto or vrata rites enabling her to seek the godheads and act as protector of her family. The absorption of hitherto inaccessible mantras calling upon cosmic forces to yield their benefits and to disperse evil, gave the Bengali-Hindu rural woman the knowledge of signs and symbols, right inside her home.
The ritualistic art of alpana became the well of folk design, steeped in meaning and drawn with a firm will to invoke and control supernatural powers. The shape of concepts and of wishes evolved into the diagrammatic forms of vrata ritual worship. The circle, (as earth or cosmos) the square, (as sanctified space) polygons, geometric shapes, curving meanders, plant life, the planets, creatures of sea and air, land, mountain and river, and all nature's forces were rendered a potency through their confinement in the alpana enclosure.
But alpana was and still is a ritual and follow certain rules, with which the artist needle-woman sought more liberal expressions. Something special in the ethos of the rural women of East Bengal must be attributed to the transformed images that became, what I call, the kantha motif vocabulary. While kantha art contains strong elements of alpana, there is a marvellous amalgamation of other traditional art knowledge, culled from the store house of prolific folk design, such as those etched on rice cakes peetha, milk sweets sandesh and ceremonial fish. The integration of cult and ritual symbols was metamorphosed through the creative spirit of the rural women. She juxtaposed ancient classical icons alongside her familiar domestic objects - the paan leaf, hair comb, mirror and sindur casket, the scissors and oil lamp; the winnowing tray and hand fan, all find comfortable place near Lakshmi's footsteps or rice stalks, or Vishnu's thunderbolt the vajra, or Kartik's peacock. The kantha motif vocabulary gave freedom to the artist. There were no boundaries, no parameters. There was no top or bottom to her design, nothing was upside down, one could just look at her kantha from the angle she had worked and the message was clear. By removing the barriers of a single frontal perspective, she opened up vistas of imagination, drawing the viewer to enjoy from any angle, her rivers, fields, gardens and the pomp and ceremony of weddings, festivals and rituals.
I will now delineate on the streams of design that emerged during my study. The aesthetics and the vocabulary that surface through the kanthas visual expressions, became their own spokesman. I found obvious and stunning distinctions in the kanthas pointing to the likely roots of the motifs. Some of the kanthas displayed well known symbols of the Hindu religion (the lotus, sun, wave etc.) and consequently deserved separate analysis. For instance the conch shell, the lotus, the trident, the peacock, the swan the water pot and a series of mythological figures, such as the snake, alligator, lion, fish, shell, wave and birds bearing religious and ritual content. Some kanthas also carried legendary human figures from the Hindu Pantheon such as Rama, Sita and Brahma in the first line, Vishnu, Mahadev and Ganga Devi, in the fourth line, Krishna, in the second line and Ganesh and Shiva in the third line. Some kanthas spoke through symbols of plant life known to signify certain gods, such as the kadamba flower for Krishna; rice stalks and the lotus for Lakshmi; the sun for the Vedic Surya and Indra; animals such as the bull for Shiva; lion for Durga and cat for Shosthi Devi. The familiar godhead sign drawn from alpana, called putlee, is seen in several kanthas. All these forms engaged my attention and led me to categorise kanthas bearing such designs into a section labelled Hindu symbolism in the vocabulary of kanthas. These symbols do not appear in formalistic classical images, but are beautifully and imaginatively interspersed among a variety of folk patterns and rural household objects, like the hand fan, betelnut cutter called shorta or jatee, the palki, oil lamp and the all pervading paan leaf. By thus placing sanctified religious deities or symbols along with objects of daily use, the East Bengal village woman developed a symbolic language. It became a classless language that reached out to all. The origin of kantha traces its history to a period not less than a thousand years. Its images reach back to even earlier sources, pre and post-Vedic. Some symbols such as the tree of life, the swirling cosmos, and the sun are taken from the primitive art. The later influence of Hinduism, in the making of kanthas for religious ceremonies, pujas, weddings and births, gave the art its place as a vehicle of significant cultural meaning. This kantha is an asan or cloth, used to sit on at the time of the puja.
During the course of my study, I placed the Buddha Stupa Image right after the Hindu symbolism, and have thereafter focussed on Islamic Decorative motif. It is interesting that this was not the sequence in which I discovered elements of the three great religions. In fact I came upon the Buddhist stupa image almost at the end of my study and as I reviewed hundreds of kanthas carrying linear and geometric designs, surrounding a central lotus or sun, I came upon only three pieces in the collection in which the lotus is girdled with a pattern that has four mid-centre passages, opening to the larger square. It struck me that these openings were worked into the design intentionally, to establish a symbol. The central lotus placed thus, did not appear to have its Hindu content, and the distinct four passages were held at the four corners by cutaway triangles, having an architectural flavour. As I concentrated further, seeking to explain the roots of the image, I recalled that two of the earliest symbols of Gautam Buddha, the lotus and the stupa, with its high plinth platform, four distinct approaches and central cardinal point for the Buddha relic, did remind of that structural image. I turned to resource material and found drawings of the central diamond throne at Bodh Gaya, the vajrasana. The aesthetics of these three kanthas point to an abstraction of the solid contours of the stupa platform, magnificently reflected in the flattened graphics, or bird's eye view of the diamond throne, interpreted by the kantha artist.
In one of the kanthas the pattern of approach passes towards the central flower held by four lotus buds. It reflects the imaginative style of the embroiderer who, not satisfied with just the central lotus symbol of the Buddha, marks the entrances with tiny lotus buds, reminding us of the legend that when Buddha as a baby took his first steps, a lotus blossomed wherever his feet touched the ground. Buddha's longest lasting image before his human form was sculpted, the stupa, may have found its way into the assemblage of the kantha artist. Further studies may bring to light other Buddhist influences in the vocabulary of kantha art.
The discovery of Islamic Decorative patterns in kantha came about as a gradual realisation during my study. When I first went through the Rajshahi kanthas I was already aware of the formalised geometric designs laid out in planar formation. I also knew that Rajshahi kanthas were locally referred to as carpet-kanthas. This served as a pointer to look more closely at the layout of design and I discovered a distinct similarity with the Central Asian carpet tradition. I found photographs of Turkoman, Caucasian and several Central Asian states such as Kirghistan, Dagesthan and Uzbekistan carpets, sharply similar in format and motif. This led me to investigate once again the possible roots or origins of design. I came to the conclusion that Rajshahi kanthas are among more recent developments in the kantha making tradition. Several factors showed me the way. First was that the material used for making Rajshahi kanthas was often a new cloth, especially the red 'shalu' material used for making cotton wool quilts or razais. Second the thickness was more than that of the kanthas in other districts, up to six layers. Third that a technique of back stitch called 'bakhia' became visible, which was not part of the earlier embroidery repertoire. Fourth the patterns were block-printed on the surface of the cloth. There is no free hand embroidery in Rajshahi kanthas. Fifth tassels or fringes are attached to the outer edges of the kantha, just as carpets have fringes at the two ends.
Once I had noted the newness of the style, I decided to delve into the sociological and political influences which had occurred fairly recently in historical time. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries saw the advent of Islam in Bengal. The living patterns of the people underwent sharp changes. The Muslim conquest of Bengal in 1204 A.D. was carried out by an adventurer from the Turkoman nomadic tribe of Central Asia, Mohammed Bakhtiar Khalji.
North-West Bengal passed into a period of prosperous rule till 1227 A.D., when Turkish rule was overcome by the Mamluk Sultans from Delhi who ruled for sixty years. They were men of various nationalities of Central Asia, such as Khitai, Turks, Uzbeks and Qipcheks. From 1338 A.D. the governor of East Bengal at Sonargaon assumed the title of Sultan and a new dynasty was formed. It was a turning point. For two hundred years, the Sayyid dynasty, the Ilyas Shahis and Afghan Karranis held sway over Bengal. In 1575 the Moghul general from Delhi eventually defeated the Afghan Sultan, Daud Khan Karrani and by 1612 A.D. Emperor Jehangir finally consolidated Moghul rule in Bengal. The story of cultural developments after that is well known. But I would like to refer back to the earlier entry of Muslim immigrants of various nationalities who came as fortune seekers, administrators, soldiers and saints, from Arabia, Herat, Samarkhand, Tabriz, Bukhara and Balkh and even distant Abyssinia. There were many factors responsible for the Islamisation of this large non-Muslim population, one being the decadence of the Hindu-Buddhist society which was rife with the caste system and esoteric tantric practises, secondly the influx of Muslims was continuous and large in numbers, and finally the untiring efforts of the Sufi scholars to spread a universal faith. Folk songs and traditional literature came under influence of the Sufis, and the non-Aryan masses found respite from the oppressive systems. The frontiers of folk art received fresh ideas and the horizon of kantha art expanded.
Maldaha in North Bengal became a stronghold of the early Turks, Pathans and Afghan immigrants who established a typical Muslim culture. Rajshahi received the ethnic and social lifestyle of the settlers.
At this point a new form of aesthetics entered kantha art. Its entry was through the simplest of ways. The weather in North Bengal being cold, the use of carpets, blankets and heavy robes brought by the immigrants came into close view of the local people. These patterns and motifs had already been evolved by Muslim artisans in other regions, based on the central principle of the new faith, the principle of unity or tawhid. The Islamic infinite pattern which had travelled beyond geographical boundaries entered the storehouse of Bengali masons and builders, carvers, potters, weavers and eventually in the kantha art.
Distinct features of Islamic carpet layout and motifs are seen in the Rajshahi kanthas containing the central panel framed by intricate border patterns. The bold and lavish interpretation of Islamic multi-unit patterns and interlocking motifs reflect the transformation of those designs by the village artist. One sees familiar Islamic patterns like jagged crenellations, geometric meanders and repetition of stylised flowers and leaves. The pattern is not static, the eye travels from shape to shape, discovering the renowned Islamic six pointed star in the short border. The long borders show perfect examples of abstraction of floral pots, the sub-units of stems and leaves appearing as separate units and yet leading the vision to complete its travel.
In the sujni kantha. (sozni is Persian term for sewing) kantha artists developed a splendid technique out of the bakhia or back stitch. The Bengali embroiderer took up this sewing device from the padded quilted cloaks of the immigrants. The village woman with her innate deftness of finger, brought the stitch from the inner layers of the Muslim people's clothes to the surface of her quilt. Drawing with her needle, from her alpana repertory she laced and curved the straight bakhia line with innovative finesse. This kantha maintains the carpet format but resorts to stylised forms of nature, which manifest Islamic arabesques. Sujni kantha consists of beautiful synthesis of ancient traditional motifs, such as the lotus, the four circulating fish in a rounded girdle, buds and leaves, and the interlacing of infinite patterns which have come to signify spiritual exercises through the visual arts.
It is not possible to study nakshi kanthas without being mesmerised by the language of geometric shapes. The secularisation of Hindu and Buddhist ritual and cult objects resulted in an abstraction of incarnations and deities. We find lotus-cum-sun image beautifully placed at the centre of the embroiderer's universe. The four directions of north, south, east and west indicated by linear divisions, spans the kantha. Ancient symbols, a man-horse, lotus, mythical dragons are imbedded in the field. The artist made perfect divisions of space through squares and triangles. From geometry the needle-woman moved on to an extravaganza of linear borders. Many of these patterns appear to be culled from tribal loom designs and a large number from horizontal saree borders. The sewing is done by laying lengths of thread, line by line as seen in loom weaving, and building up the pattern in measured insertions of the needle. No lines are traced on the cloth. The astonishing profusion of variations in motif are called paar-tola (or lifted from border) designs. The best paar-tola embroidery comes from Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna.
The renowned cover motif of kantha design has one of the most prominent images in kantha art - the "Tree of Life". Tree worship has been one of man's earliest cults and in almost every country a species proper to that region, symbolises the idea of protection and mystic powers. The Indus Valley and late Indo-Aryan art knew the symbol. Buddhism sanctified the Bodhi tree, and popular ritualistic art, as in alpana absorbed the tree image, recognising it as jeevan vriksha, the Tree of Life. The kantha tree symbols make a distinct diversion from the tree expressed in alpana vratas. They are extremely innovative in form. In this optical, effects are created by 'sinking' the corner tree motifs and raising darker colour patterns in spaces around the tree. The composition follows the floor drawing format of alpana, with central lotus, formal mandala square, and traditional vrata symbols of wish fulfilment for prosperity, domestic happiness and plenty. The Tree of Life in kantha is a highly personalised image, the village artists use a range of motifs like the paan leaf, and paisley or kalka. From the clearly recognisable Kashmiri paisley, we see rounder bulbous forms, and branching triads. The tree in its kalka shape was thoroughly Bengalised by the artist, a marvellous fusion of central lotus and corner tree symbol, giving the kantha its deeply ethnic flavour.
There is a fascinating area of freedom in thought and design in kantha art which grew into universal or secular style combining images from all religious streams and crossing communal boundaries. I came across five kanthas bearing images of the mosque and the rath (the chariot) among a medley of familiar motifs such as the tree of life, peacocks, ducks, paan leaves and household objects. A question arises, why the needle woman did not embroider a mosque and a mandir? Why a rath? This is the beauty of the East Bengali village woman's freedom of thought. Her vocabulary was better expressed through a common image of the village puja chariot, which has a more secular appeal, since both Hindus and Muslims join the procession and share the festival. The artist's complete freedom over her media is seen in the other work, where she gives vent to unique corner tree images beginning with paisleys but branching out into flowers. The lotus-sun holds attention as a unifying nucleus while the rath chariot and masjid with slim minarets are topped with kadamba flowers (a Krishna symbol) while peacocks (of Kartik fame) are perched on the mosque columns. What freedom and imagination!
I have analysed a rather large section under my study on the Decorative Motif Vocabulary. It is a very rich resource of folk art. In the broad category of nakshi kanthas or decoratively designed quilts, these kanthas recreate an ornamental form which is neither Hindu, nor Buddhist nor Muslim. From myriad sources, the classics, cults, mythology and folklore become these fascinating shapes. They merge into a reservoir of homely objects of ideographs, legends from the patta scrolls, clay folk toys and painted vessels. A large number of kanthas in the collection are seen to have no religious or totemic content, and it is difficult to codify the religion of the maker. East Bengal's unique folk expression, full of secular, commonly understood images, drawn from the varied cultural streams and pouring into the countless rivers of Bengal are seen as an art that belongs to all.
I now come to my last section. The connection between folk art, child art and modern art have long been recognised by connoisseurs. I was compulsively drawn to some kanthas in the Museum, which linked my mind to abstract images of the modernist painters of Europe and America in the 1930s. It has been an astounding visual experience to come upon kanthas which had echoes with those painting. A Rajshahi lep kantha worked in bold geometric chevrons, finds a powerful reflection in one of Frank Stella's largest works entitled "Empress of India", in which he magnifies the lines to the edges of the canvas, an eastern Islamic pattern, in western hands.
One of the greatest modernist Paul Klee a German-Swiss painter, created a pulsating canvas 'Park Near Lucerne', which not only expresses similar spontaneity, but engages our attention because of the stylised linear foliage, which is close to the folk artists mode, and reminds of child art.
In a Faridpur kantha, we see thematic image of a horse. It is both folk art and stylised abstraction, the minimisation of lines to express the image. The kantha has subtle shapes of horses embedded in the stitchery. The arched neck of the horse with flying mane and tail in the wind is mirrored in Vassily Kandinsky's painting, 'Lyric'. The meeting ground between traditionalists and modernists is an exciting venture, both as an aesthetic and communication vocabulary. The kantha artist had long ago ventured into, what the sophisticated art world later came to call, abstract expressionism, or imagist abstraction.
I hope, I have been able to present some of the aspects of one of the world's most precious living treasures. The villages of East Bengal are rich in folk art, folklore, crafts, songs and dance, the people are tender and imaginative. The nakshi kantha, has grown out of the rejuvenating soil of Bangladesh. The artistry of kantha craft is abiding. The colour, forms, textures and images are highly appealing and magnetise the viewers with their sophisticated primitiveness. Dream and reality coalesce together in these works of art to express the essence of life.
The Author is a pioneer in the movement for bringing recognition to the crafts of Bangladesh starting in 1973, when handicrafts were considered the 'unsophisticated' products of rural masses. She put Bangladesh on the World Crafts Council, an affiliate of UNESCO in 1978. She set out to motivate and convince thousands of village artisans, for their heritage and it's immense value. She was instrumental in organising the 'First National Handicrafts Exhibition' at the Shilpa Kala Academy which led to the establishment of the first artisan's organisation in the country, Bangladesh Hastashilpa Samabaya Federation Ltd. in 1974, named Karika. We present here a lecture she delivered at the IGNCA.
The subject on Nakshi Kantha has barely been researched and the few scholars who wrote on the subject, such as Stella Kramrisch and Ajit Mukherjee wrote their pioneering works 58 years ago in 1939. The long gap between then and now has only been filled with several descriptive articles, both in India and Bangladesh.
In my search for background materials, I visited the British Library, London which was the India Office Library, and also the Philadelphia Museum in USA, where Stella Kramrisch's collection is kept. I found no mention of kantha in the British records. The absence of documentation on kantha automatically set limitations on my investigative efforts. I became convinced that the nakshi kantha had not been researched in depth. Kantha is like a personal diary, a letter one writes to a particular person, and is not meant to be read by all. In East Bengal the kantha was a personal expression, an art-craft that was made spontaneously, even whimsically. It was never commissioned by rulers, nor ordered by the landed gentry. It was a craft that was practised by women of all rural classes, the rich landlord's wife making her own elaborate embroidered quilt in her leisure time, and the tenant farmer's wife making her own thrifty, coverlet, equal in beauty and skill.
The lack of research material on the subject of kantha has, in a way, been a blessing in disguise. I was able to undertake my study with an open mind and build up my analysis based on investigative methodology. The Bangladesh National Museum Collection is the largest in the country comprising 994 objects, though more have been added since my study. These kanthas have been acquired from the districts of Faridpur, Jessore, Khulna, Rajshahi, Pabna, Rangpur, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Kushtia, Bogra, Kishoreganj, Tangail and Dhaka.
In the course of my study I made identification of the various types of kantha based on size, shape and utility of the object, and in some cases I was able to categorise the genre of the kantha. Establishing the genre is a task for further in-depth research, but in some kanthas the ritualistic or iconoclastic symbols were strong enough to point to magico - religious roots. As I sifted through almost a thousand pieces, I discovered certain streams of motifs and designs flowing through, and decided to classify them for purposes of a better interpretation. I was able to categorise through 600 line drawings valuable resource material of images and forms such as the tree of life, the kalka or paisley, birds, horses, elephants, abstract and tantric symbols, linear patterns and figural objects.
A major outcome of my study was the realisation of the sociological heritage in the objects. There are distinct features which led me to reading the aesthetics and vocabulary used by past society to express their culture. At this stage I decided to base my study on the methodology of LŽvi Claude-Strauss, a great theoretician whose 1962 book on 'Totemism' changed the approach and understanding of studies on primitive and ancient cultures. According to him, symbols or totems may be looked at through, "structural reading of forms".
He believed that, "as in all religious phenomena, so in totemism there is a feedback between signified and signifying; the emotions fed into the symbol or emblem are then re-emitted into the experience of the society which created them, and this is the source of the society itself." By following the guideline of LŽvi Claude-Straus's 'structuralism', I resorted to a study under the synchronic method, that is viewing the contents of the kantha, and I quote, "as it exists at a given time" and "contents itself with a minute examination of a system at a given moment of evolution, laterally." I have thus endeavoured to show the way to view the subconscious life of the rural people as it figured in myths, rites, social behaviour, and how the aesthetic sensitivity and abstract vocabulary took shape in the folk art of kantha. Of one thing I am absolutely sure, that is, the creative art of kantha has carried the objects beyond the level of mere skilful embroidery, to levels that reflect a spoken language and signify communicative discourse through its symbols.
The remarkable quality of kantha needlework as a purely spontaneous expression based on the personal desire of the embroiderer, is even more extraordinary because it appeared as a phenomena of a particular region as well as of an ethnic group and of a gender group. Only the women of rural East Bengal make and create exquisite kanthas. No two pieces are the same. There is no doubt that these inspired creations reflect abilities of a hand charged with powers beyond the realm of logic or training. That there is something special in the ethos of the women of East Bengal, is aptly described by Stella Kramrisch who says, "the kanthas of East Bengal are saturated with and express a numinous power, the shakti of this region, working through its women and given form by innumerable disciplined stitches".
At what point in time the nakshi kantha took shape may never be accurately known but it most likely had a precursor in the humble kheta, (khet in Hindi and Bangla means field), a coverlet used by village people made through the thrifty recycling of old saris and dhotis by sewing them together with linear stitches. The kheta was invented out of necessity and made in varying sizes and layers, starting with small pieces of cloth spread in the courtyard to lay new born babies on while they were massaged with mustard oil, to the light covers that adults use at night, and wrap over their shoulders in winter mornings.
The development of kantha art as it grew in the East Bengal region, emerged out of the collective folk expression of rural women using signs and symbols as personalised invocations. The transition of religious rites from high temples and the remoteness of Brahmanic scriptures underwent changes, transmitted through ascetic Hindu sadhus, Buddhist monks and tantric sign language. The village women became empowered with broto or vrata rites enabling her to seek the godheads and act as protector of her family. The absorption of hitherto inaccessible mantras calling upon cosmic forces to yield their benefits and to disperse evil, gave the Bengali-Hindu rural woman the knowledge of signs and symbols, right inside her home.
The ritualistic art of alpana became the well of folk design, steeped in meaning and drawn with a firm will to invoke and control supernatural powers. The shape of concepts and of wishes evolved into the diagrammatic forms of vrata ritual worship. The circle, (as earth or cosmos) the square, (as sanctified space) polygons, geometric shapes, curving meanders, plant life, the planets, creatures of sea and air, land, mountain and river, and all nature's forces were rendered a potency through their confinement in the alpana enclosure.
But alpana was and still is a ritual and follow certain rules, with which the artist needle-woman sought more liberal expressions. Something special in the ethos of the rural women of East Bengal must be attributed to the transformed images that became, what I call, the kantha motif vocabulary. While kantha art contains strong elements of alpana, there is a marvellous amalgamation of other traditional art knowledge, culled from the store house of prolific folk design, such as those etched on rice cakes peetha, milk sweets sandesh and ceremonial fish. The integration of cult and ritual symbols was metamorphosed through the creative spirit of the rural women. She juxtaposed ancient classical icons alongside her familiar domestic objects - the paan leaf, hair comb, mirror and sindur casket, the scissors and oil lamp; the winnowing tray and hand fan, all find comfortable place near Lakshmi's footsteps or rice stalks, or Vishnu's thunderbolt the vajra, or Kartik's peacock. The kantha motif vocabulary gave freedom to the artist. There were no boundaries, no parameters. There was no top or bottom to her design, nothing was upside down, one could just look at her kantha from the angle she had worked and the message was clear. By removing the barriers of a single frontal perspective, she opened up vistas of imagination, drawing the viewer to enjoy from any angle, her rivers, fields, gardens and the pomp and ceremony of weddings, festivals and rituals.
I will now delineate on the streams of design that emerged during my study. The aesthetics and the vocabulary that surface through the kanthas visual expressions, became their own spokesman. I found obvious and stunning distinctions in the kanthas pointing to the likely roots of the motifs. Some of the kanthas displayed well known symbols of the Hindu religion (the lotus, sun, wave etc.) and consequently deserved separate analysis. For instance the conch shell, the lotus, the trident, the peacock, the swan the water pot and a series of mythological figures, such as the snake, alligator, lion, fish, shell, wave and birds bearing religious and ritual content. Some kanthas also carried legendary human figures from the Hindu Pantheon such as Rama, Sita and Brahma in the first line, Vishnu, Mahadev and Ganga Devi, in the fourth line, Krishna, in the second line and Ganesh and Shiva in the third line. Some kanthas spoke through symbols of plant life known to signify certain gods, such as the kadamba flower for Krishna; rice stalks and the lotus for Lakshmi; the sun for the Vedic Surya and Indra; animals such as the bull for Shiva; lion for Durga and cat for Shosthi Devi. The familiar godhead sign drawn from alpana, called putlee, is seen in several kanthas. All these forms engaged my attention and led me to categorise kanthas bearing such designs into a section labelled Hindu symbolism in the vocabulary of kanthas. These symbols do not appear in formalistic classical images, but are beautifully and imaginatively interspersed among a variety of folk patterns and rural household objects, like the hand fan, betelnut cutter called shorta or jatee, the palki, oil lamp and the all pervading paan leaf. By thus placing sanctified religious deities or symbols along with objects of daily use, the East Bengal village woman developed a symbolic language. It became a classless language that reached out to all. The origin of kantha traces its history to a period not less than a thousand years. Its images reach back to even earlier sources, pre and post-Vedic. Some symbols such as the tree of life, the swirling cosmos, and the sun are taken from the primitive art. The later influence of Hinduism, in the making of kanthas for religious ceremonies, pujas, weddings and births, gave the art its place as a vehicle of significant cultural meaning. This kantha is an asan or cloth, used to sit on at the time of the puja.
During the course of my study, I placed the Buddha Stupa Image right after the Hindu symbolism, and have thereafter focussed on Islamic Decorative motif. It is interesting that this was not the sequence in which I discovered elements of the three great religions. In fact I came upon the Buddhist stupa image almost at the end of my study and as I reviewed hundreds of kanthas carrying linear and geometric designs, surrounding a central lotus or sun, I came upon only three pieces in the collection in which the lotus is girdled with a pattern that has four mid-centre passages, opening to the larger square. It struck me that these openings were worked into the design intentionally, to establish a symbol. The central lotus placed thus, did not appear to have its Hindu content, and the distinct four passages were held at the four corners by cutaway triangles, having an architectural flavour. As I concentrated further, seeking to explain the roots of the image, I recalled that two of the earliest symbols of Gautam Buddha, the lotus and the stupa, with its high plinth platform, four distinct approaches and central cardinal point for the Buddha relic, did remind of that structural image. I turned to resource material and found drawings of the central diamond throne at Bodh Gaya, the vajrasana. The aesthetics of these three kanthas point to an abstraction of the solid contours of the stupa platform, magnificently reflected in the flattened graphics, or bird's eye view of the diamond throne, interpreted by the kantha artist.
In one of the kanthas the pattern of approach passes towards the central flower held by four lotus buds. It reflects the imaginative style of the embroiderer who, not satisfied with just the central lotus symbol of the Buddha, marks the entrances with tiny lotus buds, reminding us of the legend that when Buddha as a baby took his first steps, a lotus blossomed wherever his feet touched the ground. Buddha's longest lasting image before his human form was sculpted, the stupa, may have found its way into the assemblage of the kantha artist. Further studies may bring to light other Buddhist influences in the vocabulary of kantha art.
The discovery of Islamic Decorative patterns in kantha came about as a gradual realisation during my study. When I first went through the Rajshahi kanthas I was already aware of the formalised geometric designs laid out in planar formation. I also knew that Rajshahi kanthas were locally referred to as carpet-kanthas. This served as a pointer to look more closely at the layout of design and I discovered a distinct similarity with the Central Asian carpet tradition. I found photographs of Turkoman, Caucasian and several Central Asian states such as Kirghistan, Dagesthan and Uzbekistan carpets, sharply similar in format and motif. This led me to investigate once again the possible roots or origins of design. I came to the conclusion that Rajshahi kanthas are among more recent developments in the kantha making tradition. Several factors showed me the way. First was that the material used for making Rajshahi kanthas was often a new cloth, especially the red 'shalu' material used for making cotton wool quilts or razais. Second the thickness was more than that of the kanthas in other districts, up to six layers. Third that a technique of back stitch called 'bakhia' became visible, which was not part of the earlier embroidery repertoire. Fourth the patterns were block-printed on the surface of the cloth. There is no free hand embroidery in Rajshahi kanthas. Fifth tassels or fringes are attached to the outer edges of the kantha, just as carpets have fringes at the two ends.
Once I had noted the newness of the style, I decided to delve into the sociological and political influences which had occurred fairly recently in historical time. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries saw the advent of Islam in Bengal. The living patterns of the people underwent sharp changes. The Muslim conquest of Bengal in 1204 A.D. was carried out by an adventurer from the Turkoman nomadic tribe of Central Asia, Mohammed Bakhtiar Khalji.
North-West Bengal passed into a period of prosperous rule till 1227 A.D., when Turkish rule was overcome by the Mamluk Sultans from Delhi who ruled for sixty years. They were men of various nationalities of Central Asia, such as Khitai, Turks, Uzbeks and Qipcheks. From 1338 A.D. the governor of East Bengal at Sonargaon assumed the title of Sultan and a new dynasty was formed. It was a turning point. For two hundred years, the Sayyid dynasty, the Ilyas Shahis and Afghan Karranis held sway over Bengal. In 1575 the Moghul general from Delhi eventually defeated the Afghan Sultan, Daud Khan Karrani and by 1612 A.D. Emperor Jehangir finally consolidated Moghul rule in Bengal. The story of cultural developments after that is well known. But I would like to refer back to the earlier entry of Muslim immigrants of various nationalities who came as fortune seekers, administrators, soldiers and saints, from Arabia, Herat, Samarkhand, Tabriz, Bukhara and Balkh and even distant Abyssinia. There were many factors responsible for the Islamisation of this large non-Muslim population, one being the decadence of the Hindu-Buddhist society which was rife with the caste system and esoteric tantric practises, secondly the influx of Muslims was continuous and large in numbers, and finally the untiring efforts of the Sufi scholars to spread a universal faith. Folk songs and traditional literature came under influence of the Sufis, and the non-Aryan masses found respite from the oppressive systems. The frontiers of folk art received fresh ideas and the horizon of kantha art expanded.
Maldaha in North Bengal became a stronghold of the early Turks, Pathans and Afghan immigrants who established a typical Muslim culture. Rajshahi received the ethnic and social lifestyle of the settlers.
At this point a new form of aesthetics entered kantha art. Its entry was through the simplest of ways. The weather in North Bengal being cold, the use of carpets, blankets and heavy robes brought by the immigrants came into close view of the local people. These patterns and motifs had already been evolved by Muslim artisans in other regions, based on the central principle of the new faith, the principle of unity or tawhid. The Islamic infinite pattern which had travelled beyond geographical boundaries entered the storehouse of Bengali masons and builders, carvers, potters, weavers and eventually in the kantha art.
Distinct features of Islamic carpet layout and motifs are seen in the Rajshahi kanthas containing the central panel framed by intricate border patterns. The bold and lavish interpretation of Islamic multi-unit patterns and interlocking motifs reflect the transformation of those designs by the village artist. One sees familiar Islamic patterns like jagged crenellations, geometric meanders and repetition of stylised flowers and leaves. The pattern is not static, the eye travels from shape to shape, discovering the renowned Islamic six pointed star in the short border. The long borders show perfect examples of abstraction of floral pots, the sub-units of stems and leaves appearing as separate units and yet leading the vision to complete its travel.
In the sujni kantha. (sozni is Persian term for sewing) kantha artists developed a splendid technique out of the bakhia or back stitch. The Bengali embroiderer took up this sewing device from the padded quilted cloaks of the immigrants. The village woman with her innate deftness of finger, brought the stitch from the inner layers of the Muslim people's clothes to the surface of her quilt. Drawing with her needle, from her alpana repertory she laced and curved the straight bakhia line with innovative finesse. This kantha maintains the carpet format but resorts to stylised forms of nature, which manifest Islamic arabesques. Sujni kantha consists of beautiful synthesis of ancient traditional motifs, such as the lotus, the four circulating fish in a rounded girdle, buds and leaves, and the interlacing of infinite patterns which have come to signify spiritual exercises through the visual arts.
It is not possible to study nakshi kanthas without being mesmerised by the language of geometric shapes. The secularisation of Hindu and Buddhist ritual and cult objects resulted in an abstraction of incarnations and deities. We find lotus-cum-sun image beautifully placed at the centre of the embroiderer's universe. The four directions of north, south, east and west indicated by linear divisions, spans the kantha. Ancient symbols, a man-horse, lotus, mythical dragons are imbedded in the field. The artist made perfect divisions of space through squares and triangles. From geometry the needle-woman moved on to an extravaganza of linear borders. Many of these patterns appear to be culled from tribal loom designs and a large number from horizontal saree borders. The sewing is done by laying lengths of thread, line by line as seen in loom weaving, and building up the pattern in measured insertions of the needle. No lines are traced on the cloth. The astonishing profusion of variations in motif are called paar-tola (or lifted from border) designs. The best paar-tola embroidery comes from Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna.
The renowned cover motif of kantha design has one of the most prominent images in kantha art - the "Tree of Life". Tree worship has been one of man's earliest cults and in almost every country a species proper to that region, symbolises the idea of protection and mystic powers. The Indus Valley and late Indo-Aryan art knew the symbol. Buddhism sanctified the Bodhi tree, and popular ritualistic art, as in alpana absorbed the tree image, recognising it as jeevan vriksha, the Tree of Life. The kantha tree symbols make a distinct diversion from the tree expressed in alpana vratas. They are extremely innovative in form. In this optical, effects are created by 'sinking' the corner tree motifs and raising darker colour patterns in spaces around the tree. The composition follows the floor drawing format of alpana, with central lotus, formal mandala square, and traditional vrata symbols of wish fulfilment for prosperity, domestic happiness and plenty. The Tree of Life in kantha is a highly personalised image, the village artists use a range of motifs like the paan leaf, and paisley or kalka. From the clearly recognisable Kashmiri paisley, we see rounder bulbous forms, and branching triads. The tree in its kalka shape was thoroughly Bengalised by the artist, a marvellous fusion of central lotus and corner tree symbol, giving the kantha its deeply ethnic flavour.
There is a fascinating area of freedom in thought and design in kantha art which grew into universal or secular style combining images from all religious streams and crossing communal boundaries. I came across five kanthas bearing images of the mosque and the rath (the chariot) among a medley of familiar motifs such as the tree of life, peacocks, ducks, paan leaves and household objects. A question arises, why the needle woman did not embroider a mosque and a mandir? Why a rath? This is the beauty of the East Bengali village woman's freedom of thought. Her vocabulary was better expressed through a common image of the village puja chariot, which has a more secular appeal, since both Hindus and Muslims join the procession and share the festival. The artist's complete freedom over her media is seen in the other work, where she gives vent to unique corner tree images beginning with paisleys but branching out into flowers. The lotus-sun holds attention as a unifying nucleus while the rath chariot and masjid with slim minarets are topped with kadamba flowers (a Krishna symbol) while peacocks (of Kartik fame) are perched on the mosque columns. What freedom and imagination!
I have analysed a rather large section under my study on the Decorative Motif Vocabulary. It is a very rich resource of folk art. In the broad category of nakshi kanthas or decoratively designed quilts, these kanthas recreate an ornamental form which is neither Hindu, nor Buddhist nor Muslim. From myriad sources, the classics, cults, mythology and folklore become these fascinating shapes. They merge into a reservoir of homely objects of ideographs, legends from the patta scrolls, clay folk toys and painted vessels. A large number of kanthas in the collection are seen to have no religious or totemic content, and it is difficult to codify the religion of the maker. East Bengal's unique folk expression, full of secular, commonly understood images, drawn from the varied cultural streams and pouring into the countless rivers of Bengal are seen as an art that belongs to all.
I now come to my last section. The connection between folk art, child art and modern art have long been recognised by connoisseurs. I was compulsively drawn to some kanthas in the Museum, which linked my mind to abstract images of the modernist painters of Europe and America in the 1930s. It has been an astounding visual experience to come upon kanthas which had echoes with those painting. A Rajshahi lep kantha worked in bold geometric chevrons, finds a powerful reflection in one of Frank Stella's largest works entitled "Empress of India", in which he magnifies the lines to the edges of the canvas, an eastern Islamic pattern, in western hands.
One of the greatest modernist Paul Klee a German-Swiss painter, created a pulsating canvas 'Park Near Lucerne', which not only expresses similar spontaneity, but engages our attention because of the stylised linear foliage, which is close to the folk artists mode, and reminds of child art.
In a Faridpur kantha, we see thematic image of a horse. It is both folk art and stylised abstraction, the minimisation of lines to express the image. The kantha has subtle shapes of horses embedded in the stitchery. The arched neck of the horse with flying mane and tail in the wind is mirrored in Vassily Kandinsky's painting, 'Lyric'. The meeting ground between traditionalists and modernists is an exciting venture, both as an aesthetic and communication vocabulary. The kantha artist had long ago ventured into, what the sophisticated art world later came to call, abstract expressionism, or imagist abstraction.
I hope, I have been able to present some of the aspects of one of the world's most precious living treasures. The villages of East Bengal are rich in folk art, folklore, crafts, songs and dance, the people are tender and imaginative. The nakshi kantha, has grown out of the rejuvenating soil of Bangladesh. The artistry of kantha craft is abiding. The colour, forms, textures and images are highly appealing and magnetise the viewers with their sophisticated primitiveness. Dream and reality coalesce together in these works of art to express the essence of life.
TraditionalKnowledgeSystem
TKS and Inner Sciences, History, and Society Today
Inner Sciences: The Inner Sciences of India have been on the one hand appropriated by the west, and on the hand have been depicted as being in conflict with the progressive, rational, and materialistic west. In fact, inner and outer realms are often viewed as opposites, that can at best be balanced because one contradicts the other. This assumes that Inner Sciences make a person and society less productive, creative, and competitive in the outer realm. However, India's TKS are empirical evidence to demonstrate that Inner Sciences and outer development did co-exist in a mutually symbiotic relationship. This is a major reason to properly study India's TKS.
Without removing this tension between inner and outer, it would be difficult to seriously motivate the modern world to advance in the Inner Sciences in a major way. Inner progress without the outer would be a world negating worldview, which India's TKS record shows not to be the case in classical India. Outer progress without inner cultivation results in societies that are too materialistic, too selfish to the point of genocides and holocausts, eco-unfriendly, and dependent upon force and control for social harmony.
History: Until the 1800s, TKS generated large scale economic productivity for Indians. It was the TKS based thriving Indian economy that attracted so many waves of invaders, culminating with the British. Traditionally, India was one of the richest regions in the world, and most Indians were neither 'backward' nor uneducated nor poor. Some historians have recently begun to come out with this side of the story, demonstrating that it was massive economic drainage, oppression, social re-engineering, and so forth at the hands of colonizers that made millions of 'new poor' over the past few centuries. This explanation yields a radically different reading of the poverty in India today. Upon acknowledging India's traditional knowledge systems, one is forced to discard accounts of its history that essentialize its poverty and the accompanying social evils. The reality of TKS contradicts notions such as: India was less rational and scientific than the west.
India was world negating in its outlook (which is a misreading of the Inner Sciences), and hence did not advance itself from within.
India's civilization was mainly imported via invaders, except for its problems such as caste that were its own 'essences'.
Indian society was socially backward (to the point of being seen as lacking in morality); hence it depends upon westernization to reform its current problems.
Society Today: Is India a 'developing' society, or is it a 're-developing' society? Without appreciating the TKS of a people, how could anthropologists and sociologists interpret the current condition of a society? Were they always poor, always living in polluted and socially problematic conditions as today, in which case these problems are essences? Or is there a history behind the present condition? This history should not, however, excuse the failures of fifty years of independence to deal properly with the economic and social problems that persist.
Going forward, Traditional Knowledge Systems are eco-friendly, symbiotic with the environment, and therefore can help provide a sustainable lifestyle. Since the benefits of heavy industries do not trickle down to the people below the poverty line or to so-called developing countries, a revival of traditional technologies and crafts must complement the modern 'development' schemes for eradication of poverty. In this regard, the distinction between elite and folk science was non-existent in ancient times: India's advanced metallurgy and civil engineering was researched and practiced by artisan guilds.
Inner Sciences: The Inner Sciences of India have been on the one hand appropriated by the west, and on the hand have been depicted as being in conflict with the progressive, rational, and materialistic west. In fact, inner and outer realms are often viewed as opposites, that can at best be balanced because one contradicts the other. This assumes that Inner Sciences make a person and society less productive, creative, and competitive in the outer realm. However, India's TKS are empirical evidence to demonstrate that Inner Sciences and outer development did co-exist in a mutually symbiotic relationship. This is a major reason to properly study India's TKS.
Without removing this tension between inner and outer, it would be difficult to seriously motivate the modern world to advance in the Inner Sciences in a major way. Inner progress without the outer would be a world negating worldview, which India's TKS record shows not to be the case in classical India. Outer progress without inner cultivation results in societies that are too materialistic, too selfish to the point of genocides and holocausts, eco-unfriendly, and dependent upon force and control for social harmony.
History: Until the 1800s, TKS generated large scale economic productivity for Indians. It was the TKS based thriving Indian economy that attracted so many waves of invaders, culminating with the British. Traditionally, India was one of the richest regions in the world, and most Indians were neither 'backward' nor uneducated nor poor. Some historians have recently begun to come out with this side of the story, demonstrating that it was massive economic drainage, oppression, social re-engineering, and so forth at the hands of colonizers that made millions of 'new poor' over the past few centuries. This explanation yields a radically different reading of the poverty in India today. Upon acknowledging India's traditional knowledge systems, one is forced to discard accounts of its history that essentialize its poverty and the accompanying social evils. The reality of TKS contradicts notions such as: India was less rational and scientific than the west.
India was world negating in its outlook (which is a misreading of the Inner Sciences), and hence did not advance itself from within.
India's civilization was mainly imported via invaders, except for its problems such as caste that were its own 'essences'.
Indian society was socially backward (to the point of being seen as lacking in morality); hence it depends upon westernization to reform its current problems.
Society Today: Is India a 'developing' society, or is it a 're-developing' society? Without appreciating the TKS of a people, how could anthropologists and sociologists interpret the current condition of a society? Were they always poor, always living in polluted and socially problematic conditions as today, in which case these problems are essences? Or is there a history behind the present condition? This history should not, however, excuse the failures of fifty years of independence to deal properly with the economic and social problems that persist.
Going forward, Traditional Knowledge Systems are eco-friendly, symbiotic with the environment, and therefore can help provide a sustainable lifestyle. Since the benefits of heavy industries do not trickle down to the people below the poverty line or to so-called developing countries, a revival of traditional technologies and crafts must complement the modern 'development' schemes for eradication of poverty. In this regard, the distinction between elite and folk science was non-existent in ancient times: India's advanced metallurgy and civil engineering was researched and practiced by artisan guilds.
Tuesday, May 12, 2009
GhatuGaan
Ghatu Gan a kind of folk song, also known variously as ghetu, ghantu, gantu, or gadu, song. Etymologically, ghatu is derived from the word ghat, or riverbank. At one time the GHAT was not just the place where villagers bathed and fetched water, but also the place where boatmen anchored their boats, where merchants displayed their wares, and where people congregated. Different forms of entertainment arose, including what are known as ghatu songs because they were sung at the ghat.
A gay culture underlies ghatu songs and dances, which are predominantly erotic and usually based on the relationship of RADHA and KRISHNA. According to tradition, ghatu songs originated in the early sixteenth century, when a Vaishnava (follower of CHAITANYA) of Azmiriganj village in the district of SUNAMGANJ renounced domestic ties and began to spend his days in the guise of Radha separated from Krishna. Gradually, the number of his disciples increased. The boys among his disciples dressed like the companions of Radha and danced and sang songs expressing emotions of love and separation. In time, these boys formed the first ghatu group and composed ghatu songs.
The part of Radha would be played by an adolescent youth in woman's clothes, his girlish beauty and feminine gestures and mannerisms attracting and entertaining the mainly male audiences at the ghat. In general, the desk of boats on rivers, lakes and canals in the rainy season when village people have ample leisure, provided the most appropriate setting for ghatu songs. Subsequently, ghatu songs were also performed in places other than ghats. Sometimes ghatu groups competed with one another in performing a dialogue between Radha and Krishna.
The chief of a ghatu group is called the sarkar. The MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS used in ghatu songs are dhol, violin, vina, flute, HARMONIUM, etc.
A gay culture underlies ghatu songs and dances, which are predominantly erotic and usually based on the relationship of RADHA and KRISHNA. According to tradition, ghatu songs originated in the early sixteenth century, when a Vaishnava (follower of CHAITANYA) of Azmiriganj village in the district of SUNAMGANJ renounced domestic ties and began to spend his days in the guise of Radha separated from Krishna. Gradually, the number of his disciples increased. The boys among his disciples dressed like the companions of Radha and danced and sang songs expressing emotions of love and separation. In time, these boys formed the first ghatu group and composed ghatu songs.
The part of Radha would be played by an adolescent youth in woman's clothes, his girlish beauty and feminine gestures and mannerisms attracting and entertaining the mainly male audiences at the ghat. In general, the desk of boats on rivers, lakes and canals in the rainy season when village people have ample leisure, provided the most appropriate setting for ghatu songs. Subsequently, ghatu songs were also performed in places other than ghats. Sometimes ghatu groups competed with one another in performing a dialogue between Radha and Krishna.
The chief of a ghatu group is called the sarkar. The MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS used in ghatu songs are dhol, violin, vina, flute, HARMONIUM, etc.
BeraUtsav/RaftFestival
Raft Festival a folk festival during which a raft is floated. In areas with rivers, canals and other water bodies, people float banana rafts or bhelas in the name of Khowaj Khizir, a water pir, to ward off ills from water. The festival, which is celebrated every year on the last Thursday of Bhadra, is observed at social or family levels or at the initiative of fakirs. At times of crises, the observance can be organised at any time of the year.
Khowaj Khizir was a Semitic water god who entered Bangladesh in the 13th century with the Turkish rulers. In due course Khowaj Khizir found a durable place in the hearts of the people here. The nawabs and nayeb-nazims of MURSHIDABAD and DHAKA were among his devotees. Mukarram Khan, Sirajuddowla and Mir Qasim used to float rafts with great fanfare on the BURIGANGA in Dhaka and the Bhagirathi in Murshidabad on the last Thursday of Bhadra.
Raft festivals or verabhasan are not dedicated to Khowaz Khizir alone. At Munshiganj, for example, Hindu women dedicate the festival to the goddess Ganga. The celebration at Panditbari in Sulakia, KISHOREGANJ, is named the 'Vera festival of Zinda pir and Paran Fakir'. On other occasions, he is honoured along with others. At Tamaltala in Kishoreganj, for example, eight sages and holy men are honoured, the first being Mahaguru and the second Khowaj Khizir.
The celebrations also unite the Muslim saint and the Hindu goddess. The banana plants needed to make a raft are collected by a fasting priest who goes to the plantation with his disciples after seeking the owner's permission. To the plants he says, 'We wish to take seven plants to make a raft for Mother Ganga and Khowaj Khizir'. Each plant is felled with a single stroke and then the raft is made. One vera bhasan song describes the marriage between Khowaj Khizir and Ganga.
Khowaj Khizir was a Semitic water god who entered Bangladesh in the 13th century with the Turkish rulers. In due course Khowaj Khizir found a durable place in the hearts of the people here. The nawabs and nayeb-nazims of MURSHIDABAD and DHAKA were among his devotees. Mukarram Khan, Sirajuddowla and Mir Qasim used to float rafts with great fanfare on the BURIGANGA in Dhaka and the Bhagirathi in Murshidabad on the last Thursday of Bhadra.
Raft festivals or verabhasan are not dedicated to Khowaz Khizir alone. At Munshiganj, for example, Hindu women dedicate the festival to the goddess Ganga. The celebration at Panditbari in Sulakia, KISHOREGANJ, is named the 'Vera festival of Zinda pir and Paran Fakir'. On other occasions, he is honoured along with others. At Tamaltala in Kishoreganj, for example, eight sages and holy men are honoured, the first being Mahaguru and the second Khowaj Khizir.
The celebrations also unite the Muslim saint and the Hindu goddess. The banana plants needed to make a raft are collected by a fasting priest who goes to the plantation with his disciples after seeking the owner's permission. To the plants he says, 'We wish to take seven plants to make a raft for Mother Ganga and Khowaj Khizir'. Each plant is felled with a single stroke and then the raft is made. One vera bhasan song describes the marriage between Khowaj Khizir and Ganga.
PirSahitya
Gazi Kalu-Champavati pir sahitya or saint literature, written in the style of PANCHALI, narrating the adventures of Gazi Pir in the tiger-infested forests of south Bengal and the story of his marriage to Champavati.
The first reference to Gazi Pir as a rival of Daksin Ray, the god of tigers, appears in Krishnaram Das' poetic narrative, RAYMANGAL (1684), which describes their rivalry and subsequent friendship. At one time both used to be worshipped.
Sheikh Khoda Baksh composed Gazi Kalu-Champavati, based on the story of Raymangal, in 1798-99. The poem narrates Gazi Kalu's journey across the country in the guise of a fakir, his battle with a certain Hindu king, the king's defeat and his conversion to ISLAM. After Gazi Kalu mitigates the sufferings of the king's subjects, he marches on Brahmannagar. In the ensuing battle, the king of Brahmannagar is defeated and accepts Islam. Gazi Kalu marries the king's daughter, Champavati, and returns home. The poem also contains other related stories. In addition to human beings, the characters include gods, demons, supernatural spirits, fairies, ghosts, evil spirits, and animals. The action takes place on earth as well as in heaven and hell. Gazi Kalu is depicted as victorious because he has been blessed by Allah, Khwaja Khizir and the goddess Ganga. The poem mentions the popular belief that offerings to Gazi Pir could ensure safety from tigers.
Gazi Kalu-Champavati greatly influenced later poets such as Syed Halu Mir, Abdur Rahim, and Abdul Gafur who composed similar poems. Sheikh Khoda Baksh's poem, Champavati Kainyar Palagan or Gazi Saheber Git, was popular in many parts of the country during the 19th and 20th centuries when it revived Muslim sentiments of pride in the past glory of Islam.
The first reference to Gazi Pir as a rival of Daksin Ray, the god of tigers, appears in Krishnaram Das' poetic narrative, RAYMANGAL (1684), which describes their rivalry and subsequent friendship. At one time both used to be worshipped.
Sheikh Khoda Baksh composed Gazi Kalu-Champavati, based on the story of Raymangal, in 1798-99. The poem narrates Gazi Kalu's journey across the country in the guise of a fakir, his battle with a certain Hindu king, the king's defeat and his conversion to ISLAM. After Gazi Kalu mitigates the sufferings of the king's subjects, he marches on Brahmannagar. In the ensuing battle, the king of Brahmannagar is defeated and accepts Islam. Gazi Kalu marries the king's daughter, Champavati, and returns home. The poem also contains other related stories. In addition to human beings, the characters include gods, demons, supernatural spirits, fairies, ghosts, evil spirits, and animals. The action takes place on earth as well as in heaven and hell. Gazi Kalu is depicted as victorious because he has been blessed by Allah, Khwaja Khizir and the goddess Ganga. The poem mentions the popular belief that offerings to Gazi Pir could ensure safety from tigers.
Gazi Kalu-Champavati greatly influenced later poets such as Syed Halu Mir, Abdur Rahim, and Abdul Gafur who composed similar poems. Sheikh Khoda Baksh's poem, Champavati Kainyar Palagan or Gazi Saheber Git, was popular in many parts of the country during the 19th and 20th centuries when it revived Muslim sentiments of pride in the past glory of Islam.
BanglaFoodTaboos
Food Taboos traditional belief and religious restrictions, prohibitions and prejudices which make a pattern of consumption of certain foods and food products. Food taboos are also termed as food fads and fallacies, and vary with cast and creed. As a result of wrong and unscientific belief, a number of foods are excluded from the list of food items by people of many religions and society. Most of these beliefs affect pregnant and lactating mothers and convalescent people. There is a common belief, for instance that the pregnant mother should eat less to keep the size of the baby minimum for easy delivery. This is totally misleading and dangerous. A pregnant mother should eat one-fourth amount of food more than her normal requirement. Since she needs to eat for her baby as well. Another food taboo prohibits intake of water at the time of delivery of a baby. But the truth is that during delivery a mother loses huge amount of water as sweat, along with blood and delivery fluid. To compensate for this loss, and to save the mother from dehydration, sufficient amount of liquid should be given.
During pregnancy, mothers are often refused fruits like PAPAYA, BANANA, black berry and many other nutritious fruits due to the belief that these may affect the child. Some families refuse to serve jaggery to a pregnant mother for obscure reasons. Often a pregnant mother is not allowed to take an egg because of the belief that the egg may interfere with the pregnancy. In Bangladesh a notable taboo is that new-born babies are not given colostrum because of the belief that the thick material may upset the stomach.
Some people believe that prawn or shrimp causes reduction of MILK secretion among lactating mothers. But this belief has no scientific basis. Some families believe that if the baby is given cow or buffalo milk, the baby will gain the character of the animal and will be less talented and meritorious. Some people believe mistakenly that banana causes convulsion or tetanus in children. Another wrong practice is giving castor oil to children suffering from indigestion.
Traditional healers believe that during stomach upset cold food like curds are beneficial. For cough and breathing problems, hot foods like jaggery, meat, fish etc are believed to be beneficial. Further, in case of skin diseases, it is often believed that the disease is the result of impure blood and therefore, hot food should be avoided. In case of jaundice, the patient is not allowed to take any yellow coloured food. People suffering from viral diseases like MEASLES, CHICKENPOX etc are not given any food of animal origin, because of the belief that the Hindu goddess who is the cause of these diseases is a vegetarian, animal food should be avoided. None of these beliefs have any scientific basis. Indeed, they are barriers to the development of good and nutritious food habits.
During pregnancy, mothers are often refused fruits like PAPAYA, BANANA, black berry and many other nutritious fruits due to the belief that these may affect the child. Some families refuse to serve jaggery to a pregnant mother for obscure reasons. Often a pregnant mother is not allowed to take an egg because of the belief that the egg may interfere with the pregnancy. In Bangladesh a notable taboo is that new-born babies are not given colostrum because of the belief that the thick material may upset the stomach.
Some people believe that prawn or shrimp causes reduction of MILK secretion among lactating mothers. But this belief has no scientific basis. Some families believe that if the baby is given cow or buffalo milk, the baby will gain the character of the animal and will be less talented and meritorious. Some people believe mistakenly that banana causes convulsion or tetanus in children. Another wrong practice is giving castor oil to children suffering from indigestion.
Traditional healers believe that during stomach upset cold food like curds are beneficial. For cough and breathing problems, hot foods like jaggery, meat, fish etc are believed to be beneficial. Further, in case of skin diseases, it is often believed that the disease is the result of impure blood and therefore, hot food should be avoided. In case of jaundice, the patient is not allowed to take any yellow coloured food. People suffering from viral diseases like MEASLES, CHICKENPOX etc are not given any food of animal origin, because of the belief that the Hindu goddess who is the cause of these diseases is a vegetarian, animal food should be avoided. None of these beliefs have any scientific basis. Indeed, they are barriers to the development of good and nutritious food habits.
MaizbhandariGan
Maizbhandari Gan mystic folk songs of the Maizbhandari cult, started in Chittagong about a hundred years ago by Syed Ahmadullah (1826-1906), a resident of the village of Maizbhandar under Fatikchhari in CHITTAGONG. He and his followers used to assemble at Maizbhandar to practise mystic rites and sing spiritual songs. The cult became known as Maizbhandari and the songs as Maizbhandari songs.
Maizbhandari songs praise Allah, the Prophet MUHAMMAD (Sm), and Muslim saints and pirs. While many of these songs have been compiled and published, it is feared that many have been lost. Ramesh Shil of Chittagong is perhaps the most famous composer of Maizbhandari songs with three collections of songs: Bhandare Maola, Shanti Bhandar and Ashek Mala. Abdul Hadi, Abdul Ghani, Bazlul Karim, Abdullah, and Mahbubul Alam have also composed Maizbhandari songs. The songs are about love for humanity, morality, non-communalism and divine love. Maizbhandari songs have spread beyond Chittagong and are now also sung by singers who are not followers of the cult at different cultural functions and on radio and television. Maizbhandari songs are also available on audio-cassettes.
Maizbhandari songs praise Allah, the Prophet MUHAMMAD (Sm), and Muslim saints and pirs. While many of these songs have been compiled and published, it is feared that many have been lost. Ramesh Shil of Chittagong is perhaps the most famous composer of Maizbhandari songs with three collections of songs: Bhandare Maola, Shanti Bhandar and Ashek Mala. Abdul Hadi, Abdul Ghani, Bazlul Karim, Abdullah, and Mahbubul Alam have also composed Maizbhandari songs. The songs are about love for humanity, morality, non-communalism and divine love. Maizbhandari songs have spread beyond Chittagong and are now also sung by singers who are not followers of the cult at different cultural functions and on radio and television. Maizbhandari songs are also available on audio-cassettes.
Shashanka
Shashanka one of the important kings of ancient Bengal, occupies a prominent place in history of the region. It is generally believed that he ruled approximately between 600 AD and 625 AD, and two dated inscriptions, issued in his 8th and 10th regnal years from Midnapore, and another undated inscription from Egra near Kharagpur have been discovered. Besides Shashanka's subordinate king of Ganjam (Orissa) Madhavavarma's copper plate (dated 619 AD), Harshavardhan's Banskhera and Madhuvan copper plates and the Nidhanpur copper plate of the Kamarupa king Bhaskara Varman contain information about Shashanka. Besides, Shashanka issued gold and silver coins. A number of independent rulers flourished in Bengal in the intervening period between the decline of Guptas and the rise of Shashanka, and their existence is known from a few inscriptions and gold coins. Besides the seal-matrix of 'Shri Mahasamanta Shashanka' from Rohtasgarh and the contemporary literary accounts of Banabhatta and the Chinese pilgrim HIUEN-TSANG and the Buddhist text Aryamanjushrimulakalpa are important sources of information.
Very little information about the early life of Shashanka is known. It appears that he ruled for sometime as a chieftain (mahasamanta) of Rohtasgarh under the Gauda king of Karnasuvarna, who possibly belonged to the family of the Maukharis. However, Jayanaga, another king of Karnasuvarna, appears to be close to the date of Shashanka. In fact, Karnasuvarna was the capital of Shashanka and the famous metropolis was situated near Chiruti railway station close to RAJBADIDANGA (ie the site of Raktamrttika-mahavihara or modern Rangamati) in the Murshidabad district, West Bengal.
Shashanka has been described both in the inscriptions and literary accounts as the ruler of Gauda. In the narrower sense Gauda is the territory between the river Padma and Bardhamana region. But in course of time it embraced much wider area. In the Satpanchasaddeshavibhaga, the seventh patala of Book III, Shaktisangama Tantra Gauda is said to have extended from the VANGA country up to Bhuvanesha (ie Bhubaneshwar in Orissa). It is not unlikely that the author had described the extension of Gauda country keeping in mind the kingdom of Shashanka, which also embraced a part of Orissa.
The decline and fall of the Gupta Empire coincided with considerable progress in the outlying regions. Many obscure areas, which were possibly ruled by tribal chiefs and were thinly settled, came into historical limelight. This applied to the red soil areas of West Bengal, north Orissa and the adjoining areas of Madhyapradesh, which formed part of the Chhotonagpur plateau and were difficult to cultivate and settle.
Under this perspective Shashanka attempted to extend his political influence in different parts of India. His first task was the redemption of Magadha from the clutches of the Maukharis. Shashanka with his ally Devagupta, the king of Malava, next waged war against Maukhari king Grahavarman, the son-in-law of the Pusyabhuti king Prabhakaravardhana. Grahavarman was killed by Devagupta. At this point Rajyavardhana a Buddhist by faith and eldest son of Prabhakarvardhana, who became king of Thaneshwar proceeded against Devagupta and defeated and killed him. But Rajyavardhana himself was killed in an encounter with Shashanka.
Most of the authorities admit the result of the encounter with Shashanka, but passes the blame of the murder of Rajyavardhana on the shoulders of Shashanka, the king of Gauda. According to Bana, Rajyavardhana, though routed the Malava army with ridiculous ease, had been 'allured to confidence by false civilities on the part of the king of Gauda, and then weaponless, confiding and alone, despatched to his own quarters'. The Chinese pilgrim has repeated the same story. A fair criticism of Shashanka's conduct is impossible in the absence of detailed information relating to the actual circumstances that led to his enemy's death. Both Banabhatta, whose feelings were deeply shaken at the death of his patron's brother and Hiuen Tsang, whose pro-Buddhist predilections and personal regard for Harsavardhana are well known, may have found it difficult to restrain their emotions in stating the fact concerning the affair.
In the opinion of some scholars it is likely that Rajyavardhana was prepared to enter into negotiation for peace with Shashanka, and for this purpose accepted an invitation in the enemy's camp. Shankara, a 14th century commentator of the Harsacharita, states that the Gauda king invited Rajyavardhana in connection with a proposal of marriage between him and the daughter of the former. How far this is true is difficult to say, as the source of his information is not disclosed. The information about Rajyavardhana's death, furnished by the Banshkhera copper plate inscription of Harsavardhana, is meagre, but the bad impression created by the accounts of Banabhatta and the Chinese traveller is considerably mitigated when it is related in this inscription that his brother lost his life in keeping with the truth (satyanurodhena) in the abode of his enemy, though the name of the enemy is not given. It appears that Rajyavardhana's death was a sequel to the unfinished peace-talk, but Shashanka's personal responsibility for this incident cannot be determined with certainty.
After this event Harsavardhana, the younger brother, who ascended the throne of Thaneshwar proceeded with a huge army to punish Shashanka and formed an alliance with Bhaskaravarman (Kumara of Bana), king of Kamarupa and eastern neighbour of Shashanka. According to Bana, Harsa entrusted Bhandi to lead the army, while he engaged himself in searching for her widowed sister Rajyashri in the Vindhya forest. It is mentioned in the Harsacharita (8th ucchvasa) that Harsha reunited the advancing army after rescuing his sister. Later, Harsavardhana became the ruler of Kanyakubja (Kanauj) with the consent of his sister Rajyashri. The progress of Bhandi's march is not known. But there can be no doubt that Shashanka continued to rule his empire vigorously, which included northern Orissa and southern deltaic regions of Bengal.
Towards the end of his career in 640-43 AD Harsa's authority in southeastern Bihar and Orissa was established and during the same time Bhaskarvarman appears to have conquered the capital Karnasuvarna. These events are likely to have occurred after the demise of Shashanka as nothing more is heard about him, and there was a decline of Gauda power. But the story of the defeat of Shashanka at the battle of Pundravardhana by Harsa and Shashanka's reign for 17 years etc, as suggested by the Buddhist text Aryamanjushrimulakalpa are not supported by any other contemporary accounts. Rather, Shashanka's newly discovered inscription from Southern Midnapur records the existence of Dandabhukti-Janapada, combining parts of Midnapur and Orissa.
Harsa, a Shaiva in his early years, gradually became a great patron of Buddhism. As a devout Buddhist he convened a grand assembly at Kanauj to publicise the Mahayana doctrines. It is here that Harsa is said to make a bloody suppression of a revolt by the Brahmanas. After Kanauj, he held a great assembly at Prayaga and both the assemblies were attended by Hiuen Tsang and all the tributary princes, ministers, nobles, etc. Hiuen Tsang is said to have made a remark that Harsa was born at the behest of the Bodhisattva to punish Shashanka, a hater of Buddhist religion. He also cited a few instances of Shashanka's anti-Buddhist activities. But it may be mentioned that the flourishing condition of the Buddhist University at NALANDA, where Hiuen Tsang himself studied for some time, and the existence of a number of monasteries in Shashanka's kingdom including the Raktamrttika-Mahavihara near Karnasuvarna, the capital city of Shashanka, goes against the evidence of Hiuen Tsang.
In other words, it appears that the Chinese pilgrim, who enjoyed the patronage of Harsa, became partisan in his attitude towards the adversary of his patron. The vituperative languages used by Bana, court poet of Harsa, against the Gaudadhipa (the name of Shashanka, meaning Shiva, is never mentioned; possibly Bana himself was a devout Shaiva) as Gauda-bhujanga or Gaudadhama etc demonstrate his contempt for Shashanka. It is true that Shashanka was a strong champion of Brahmanical religion and a devout Shaiva, and had little sympathy for Buddhism which received patronage from wealthy mercantile classes and from no less than Harsavardhana himself, his sworn enemy. It is not unlikely that it wounded the sentiments of the Buddhists of his time.
On the contrary, Harsavardhana's pro-Buddhist and anti-Brahmanical attitude (the bloody suppression of a large number of Brahmanas during Kanauj assembly may be cited here) despaired the followers of Brahmanical religion who began to migrate to eastern India in large number. Hiuen Tsang mentioned of a large influx of learned Brahmanas in Kamarupa. A large number of Brahmanas were granted lands in Kamarupa by Bhaskaravarman for their settlement. The Kulaji texts also noted the influx of Kanauji Brahmanas into Bengal. The story of the migration of Graha-Vipras from the banks of the Sarayu river (in U P) to Bengal, possibly at the invitation of Shashanka, may be taken notice of in this connection. The impact of this large-scale migration though initially was welcomed both in Bengal and Kamarupa, told upon the socio-economic fabric of the respective countries. The social restrictions in behaviour, attitude and comingling among the different classes though not much felt under the rule of Buddhist Palas, became more and more acute under the Senas, who championed the Brahmanical religions, widened the gaps among different classes of people. The emergence of lowly untouchable classes and the antaja classes in the society became more and more pronounced. [PK Bhattacharyya]
Bibliography RC Majumdar (ed), History of Bengal, Dacca, 1943; Sudhir R Das, Rajbadidanga, Calcutta, 1962; RC Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, Calcutta, 1971; PK Bhattacharyya, 'Two Interesting Coins of Shashanka', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, London, 2, 1979.
Very little information about the early life of Shashanka is known. It appears that he ruled for sometime as a chieftain (mahasamanta) of Rohtasgarh under the Gauda king of Karnasuvarna, who possibly belonged to the family of the Maukharis. However, Jayanaga, another king of Karnasuvarna, appears to be close to the date of Shashanka. In fact, Karnasuvarna was the capital of Shashanka and the famous metropolis was situated near Chiruti railway station close to RAJBADIDANGA (ie the site of Raktamrttika-mahavihara or modern Rangamati) in the Murshidabad district, West Bengal.
Shashanka has been described both in the inscriptions and literary accounts as the ruler of Gauda. In the narrower sense Gauda is the territory between the river Padma and Bardhamana region. But in course of time it embraced much wider area. In the Satpanchasaddeshavibhaga, the seventh patala of Book III, Shaktisangama Tantra Gauda is said to have extended from the VANGA country up to Bhuvanesha (ie Bhubaneshwar in Orissa). It is not unlikely that the author had described the extension of Gauda country keeping in mind the kingdom of Shashanka, which also embraced a part of Orissa.
The decline and fall of the Gupta Empire coincided with considerable progress in the outlying regions. Many obscure areas, which were possibly ruled by tribal chiefs and were thinly settled, came into historical limelight. This applied to the red soil areas of West Bengal, north Orissa and the adjoining areas of Madhyapradesh, which formed part of the Chhotonagpur plateau and were difficult to cultivate and settle.
Under this perspective Shashanka attempted to extend his political influence in different parts of India. His first task was the redemption of Magadha from the clutches of the Maukharis. Shashanka with his ally Devagupta, the king of Malava, next waged war against Maukhari king Grahavarman, the son-in-law of the Pusyabhuti king Prabhakaravardhana. Grahavarman was killed by Devagupta. At this point Rajyavardhana a Buddhist by faith and eldest son of Prabhakarvardhana, who became king of Thaneshwar proceeded against Devagupta and defeated and killed him. But Rajyavardhana himself was killed in an encounter with Shashanka.
Most of the authorities admit the result of the encounter with Shashanka, but passes the blame of the murder of Rajyavardhana on the shoulders of Shashanka, the king of Gauda. According to Bana, Rajyavardhana, though routed the Malava army with ridiculous ease, had been 'allured to confidence by false civilities on the part of the king of Gauda, and then weaponless, confiding and alone, despatched to his own quarters'. The Chinese pilgrim has repeated the same story. A fair criticism of Shashanka's conduct is impossible in the absence of detailed information relating to the actual circumstances that led to his enemy's death. Both Banabhatta, whose feelings were deeply shaken at the death of his patron's brother and Hiuen Tsang, whose pro-Buddhist predilections and personal regard for Harsavardhana are well known, may have found it difficult to restrain their emotions in stating the fact concerning the affair.
In the opinion of some scholars it is likely that Rajyavardhana was prepared to enter into negotiation for peace with Shashanka, and for this purpose accepted an invitation in the enemy's camp. Shankara, a 14th century commentator of the Harsacharita, states that the Gauda king invited Rajyavardhana in connection with a proposal of marriage between him and the daughter of the former. How far this is true is difficult to say, as the source of his information is not disclosed. The information about Rajyavardhana's death, furnished by the Banshkhera copper plate inscription of Harsavardhana, is meagre, but the bad impression created by the accounts of Banabhatta and the Chinese traveller is considerably mitigated when it is related in this inscription that his brother lost his life in keeping with the truth (satyanurodhena) in the abode of his enemy, though the name of the enemy is not given. It appears that Rajyavardhana's death was a sequel to the unfinished peace-talk, but Shashanka's personal responsibility for this incident cannot be determined with certainty.
After this event Harsavardhana, the younger brother, who ascended the throne of Thaneshwar proceeded with a huge army to punish Shashanka and formed an alliance with Bhaskaravarman (Kumara of Bana), king of Kamarupa and eastern neighbour of Shashanka. According to Bana, Harsa entrusted Bhandi to lead the army, while he engaged himself in searching for her widowed sister Rajyashri in the Vindhya forest. It is mentioned in the Harsacharita (8th ucchvasa) that Harsha reunited the advancing army after rescuing his sister. Later, Harsavardhana became the ruler of Kanyakubja (Kanauj) with the consent of his sister Rajyashri. The progress of Bhandi's march is not known. But there can be no doubt that Shashanka continued to rule his empire vigorously, which included northern Orissa and southern deltaic regions of Bengal.
Towards the end of his career in 640-43 AD Harsa's authority in southeastern Bihar and Orissa was established and during the same time Bhaskarvarman appears to have conquered the capital Karnasuvarna. These events are likely to have occurred after the demise of Shashanka as nothing more is heard about him, and there was a decline of Gauda power. But the story of the defeat of Shashanka at the battle of Pundravardhana by Harsa and Shashanka's reign for 17 years etc, as suggested by the Buddhist text Aryamanjushrimulakalpa are not supported by any other contemporary accounts. Rather, Shashanka's newly discovered inscription from Southern Midnapur records the existence of Dandabhukti-Janapada, combining parts of Midnapur and Orissa.
Harsa, a Shaiva in his early years, gradually became a great patron of Buddhism. As a devout Buddhist he convened a grand assembly at Kanauj to publicise the Mahayana doctrines. It is here that Harsa is said to make a bloody suppression of a revolt by the Brahmanas. After Kanauj, he held a great assembly at Prayaga and both the assemblies were attended by Hiuen Tsang and all the tributary princes, ministers, nobles, etc. Hiuen Tsang is said to have made a remark that Harsa was born at the behest of the Bodhisattva to punish Shashanka, a hater of Buddhist religion. He also cited a few instances of Shashanka's anti-Buddhist activities. But it may be mentioned that the flourishing condition of the Buddhist University at NALANDA, where Hiuen Tsang himself studied for some time, and the existence of a number of monasteries in Shashanka's kingdom including the Raktamrttika-Mahavihara near Karnasuvarna, the capital city of Shashanka, goes against the evidence of Hiuen Tsang.
In other words, it appears that the Chinese pilgrim, who enjoyed the patronage of Harsa, became partisan in his attitude towards the adversary of his patron. The vituperative languages used by Bana, court poet of Harsa, against the Gaudadhipa (the name of Shashanka, meaning Shiva, is never mentioned; possibly Bana himself was a devout Shaiva) as Gauda-bhujanga or Gaudadhama etc demonstrate his contempt for Shashanka. It is true that Shashanka was a strong champion of Brahmanical religion and a devout Shaiva, and had little sympathy for Buddhism which received patronage from wealthy mercantile classes and from no less than Harsavardhana himself, his sworn enemy. It is not unlikely that it wounded the sentiments of the Buddhists of his time.
On the contrary, Harsavardhana's pro-Buddhist and anti-Brahmanical attitude (the bloody suppression of a large number of Brahmanas during Kanauj assembly may be cited here) despaired the followers of Brahmanical religion who began to migrate to eastern India in large number. Hiuen Tsang mentioned of a large influx of learned Brahmanas in Kamarupa. A large number of Brahmanas were granted lands in Kamarupa by Bhaskaravarman for their settlement. The Kulaji texts also noted the influx of Kanauji Brahmanas into Bengal. The story of the migration of Graha-Vipras from the banks of the Sarayu river (in U P) to Bengal, possibly at the invitation of Shashanka, may be taken notice of in this connection. The impact of this large-scale migration though initially was welcomed both in Bengal and Kamarupa, told upon the socio-economic fabric of the respective countries. The social restrictions in behaviour, attitude and comingling among the different classes though not much felt under the rule of Buddhist Palas, became more and more acute under the Senas, who championed the Brahmanical religions, widened the gaps among different classes of people. The emergence of lowly untouchable classes and the antaja classes in the society became more and more pronounced. [PK Bhattacharyya]
Bibliography RC Majumdar (ed), History of Bengal, Dacca, 1943; Sudhir R Das, Rajbadidanga, Calcutta, 1962; RC Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, Calcutta, 1971; PK Bhattacharyya, 'Two Interesting Coins of Shashanka', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, London, 2, 1979.
Haraprasad Shastri
Haraprasad Shastri(1853-1931) famous orientalist, Sanskrit scholar. Born on 6 December 1853, Haraprasad Bhattacharya (Shastri) hailed from the village Kumira in Khulna district. He stayed with ISWAR CHANDRA VIDYASAGAR, friend of his elder brother, at Calcutta and studied at the SANSKRIT COLLEGE and PRESIDENCY COLLEGE. He passed his Entrance in 1871, First Arts in 1873, BA in 1876 and Honours in Sanskrit in 1877. Later on he received the MA degree and the Shastri title. In those days there was no MA examination; Honours graduates were later awarded MA degrees. Shastri had the opportunity of receiving education in modern schools and colleges instead of tols and Chatuspathis. Though a student of Sanskrit at the Sanskrit College, he had to study, according to the syllabus of the Calcutta University, English Literature, Philosophy, History, Political Economy, Algebra and Trigonometry. As a result he could keep in touch with his root, Sanskrit, and at the same time gained competence in many branches of modern education.
Keeping the family tradition Shastri entered the teaching profession in 1878 as a translation-teacher in Hare School. In the same year he taught for some time in Canning College, Lucknow. In 1883 he became a Professor at the Sanskrit College, Calcutta and concurrently worked as an Assistant Translator with the Bengal government. Between 1886 and 1894, besides teaching at the Sanskrit College he worked as the Librarian of the Bengal Library. In 1895 he headed the Sanskrit department at the Presidency College, became the Principal of Sanskrit College in 1900 and retired from service in 1908 to join the Bureau of Information of the government. On 18 June 1921 he joined the Dhaka University as the Professor and Head of the Department of Bangla and Sanskrit and retired on 30 June 1924. In spite of his eagerness he never got the chance of teaching at the Calcutta University since he did not pull well with Sir ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE, though earlier they were friends.
At a tender age Haraprasad was favoured with Vidyasagar's affection. During his student life his friend, philosopher and guide was Professor Rajkrishna Mukhopadhyaya (1845-86), whose Prathama Shiksa Bangalar Itihasa (1874) had become, as commented by Bankim Chandra, a good replacement for Indian Histories written by English authors. Rajkrishna's historiographical ideas had greatly influenced Shastri's researches. It was Rajkrishna who introduced Shastri to Bankim Chandra and Shastri's maiden research article Bharat Mahila, written during his student days, was published in three consecutive issues of the BANGADARSHAN in 1282 BS. Shastri gradually became one of the major contributors to Bangadarshan; about 30 of his articles on multifarious subjects as well as novels were published in this journal and Shastri established himself firmly in the realm of Bangla literature.
Bankim was Shastri's preceptor in literature and RAJENDRALAL MITRA, one of the luminaries in the field of oriental studies, initiated him in research. Rajendralal took Shastri as his assistant and enrolled him as a member of the ASIATIC SOCIETY. Most of Buddhist Puranas, included in Rajendralal's famous work The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal (1882), were translated by Haraprasad. Rajedralal used to supervise project for the collection and preparation of the Descriptive Catalogue of manuscripts of the Asiatic Society and after his death, from July 1891 Shastri took over the charge of the Director of the Operations in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts.
Haraprasad's labour and judgement in recovering the traces of old Sanskrit language and literature has become legendary. He prepared a descriptive catalogue of about ten thousand manuscripts with the assistance of one or two persons. The long introduction to the Catalogue contains invaluable information on the history of Sanskrit literature. He collected manuscripts of the compositions of the local bards and bhats from Rajsthan. In the process of collecting Sanskrit manuscripts he developed interest in the collection of old Bangla manuscripts and in this regard he got the assistance of Munshi ABDUL KARIM SAHITYAVISHARAD (1871-1953) and DINESH CHANDRA SEN (1866-1939). Haraprasad included the task of collecting and publishing Bangla manuscripts in the research programme of the Asiatic Society.
He held different posts in the Asiatic Society including its Presidentship for two years (1919 & 1920) and later he adorned the post of its Vice President till his death. Besides the Descriptive Catalogue, he collected and published edited versions from the Society of many sources of ancient history, culture and literature, the most notable among them are BRHADDHARMA PURANA, SANDHYAKAR NANDI's RAMACHARITAM and Aryadeva's Chatuhshatika.
The famous economist ROMESH CHUNDER DUTT (1848-1909) associated Haraprasad in his work and with his help Datta published the translation of Rgveda Sanghita in 1885. Through his association with Datta, Haraprasad developed interest in economic history and published five articles, the most important of which was his Nutan Khajana Ain Sambandhe Kalikata Riviu-r Mat (Bangadarshan, Kartik, 1287).
During his drive for collection of manuscripts for the Asiatic Society he developed interest in bringing out clearly the different phases in the development of the Bangla language and literature. In search of ancient Bengal manuscripts Haraprasad visited Nepal four times in 1897, 1898, 1907 and 1922. In 1907 he discovered the manuscripts of Charyagiti, the oldest evidence of Bangla poetry. His research in the manuscripts for long 7 or 8 years proved that the language of the songs was old Bangla. In 1916, Bangiya Sahitya Parisat published his Hajar Bachharer Purana Bangala Bhasay Bauddhagan o Doha, in which Haraprasad edited two Dohakosas, Dakarnava along with Charyyacharyyavinishchaya. The last mentioned work, which Haraprasad had discovered and edited, was his greatest contribution in the field of research in Bangla language and literature.
The English officials predominated in the affairs of the Asiatic Society. The aspiration of the Bengalis to have an institution of their own came to be fulfilled in 1300 BS, when the VANGIYA SAHITYA PRISHAD was established through the efforts of the local intellectuals. Haraprasad greatly contributed to the consolidation of this institution, which has a glorious history of more than hundred years. For long he served this institution in various capacities; for 12 years he was its President. Under his leadership it developed research programmes in the Bangla language and literature, its journal was improved and the work of collecting, editing and publishing old manuscripts gained momentum. The institution of the Bengalis developed into their own cultural centre.
From his own researches Haraprasad strove to establish the racial identity of the Bengali people and came to the conclusion that there was very little of Aryan influence in it, most of it was indigenous. Aryan influence or Brahmanic influence was never all pervasive. On the other hand Buddhism had deep influence on the society. In the pre-Muslim period Vajrayana-Sahajayana, the transformed version of Buddhism, had far-reaching influence among Bengal's general populace. Under the influence of this popular religious philosophy was developed a rich literary tradition, the most glorious example of it were the Charyagitis.
His literary activities were spread over a period of more than 55 years, from Bankim to Rabindranath. After a certain period he moved away from Bankim's tradition; he protested Bankim's endeavour to use literature for the propagation of religious ideas. In his revaluation of Sanskrit literature, especially Kalidasa's kavya and dramas, this modern attitude is very much evident.
Haraprasad was honoured by many institutions and the government, the most notable were: Calcutta University made him a Life Fellow in 1888; the Royal Asiatic Society of England made him a honorary member in 1921; Dhaka University awarded him a honorary D Lit in 1927; he was the President of the Fifth Oriental Conference held in Lahore in 1928; he received the title of Mahamahopadhyaya from the government in the 60th year of Queen Victoria's reign in 1898 and he was conferred CIE (Companion of the Indian Empire) in 1911. He breathed his last on 17 November 1931.
Keeping the family tradition Shastri entered the teaching profession in 1878 as a translation-teacher in Hare School. In the same year he taught for some time in Canning College, Lucknow. In 1883 he became a Professor at the Sanskrit College, Calcutta and concurrently worked as an Assistant Translator with the Bengal government. Between 1886 and 1894, besides teaching at the Sanskrit College he worked as the Librarian of the Bengal Library. In 1895 he headed the Sanskrit department at the Presidency College, became the Principal of Sanskrit College in 1900 and retired from service in 1908 to join the Bureau of Information of the government. On 18 June 1921 he joined the Dhaka University as the Professor and Head of the Department of Bangla and Sanskrit and retired on 30 June 1924. In spite of his eagerness he never got the chance of teaching at the Calcutta University since he did not pull well with Sir ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE, though earlier they were friends.
At a tender age Haraprasad was favoured with Vidyasagar's affection. During his student life his friend, philosopher and guide was Professor Rajkrishna Mukhopadhyaya (1845-86), whose Prathama Shiksa Bangalar Itihasa (1874) had become, as commented by Bankim Chandra, a good replacement for Indian Histories written by English authors. Rajkrishna's historiographical ideas had greatly influenced Shastri's researches. It was Rajkrishna who introduced Shastri to Bankim Chandra and Shastri's maiden research article Bharat Mahila, written during his student days, was published in three consecutive issues of the BANGADARSHAN in 1282 BS. Shastri gradually became one of the major contributors to Bangadarshan; about 30 of his articles on multifarious subjects as well as novels were published in this journal and Shastri established himself firmly in the realm of Bangla literature.
Bankim was Shastri's preceptor in literature and RAJENDRALAL MITRA, one of the luminaries in the field of oriental studies, initiated him in research. Rajendralal took Shastri as his assistant and enrolled him as a member of the ASIATIC SOCIETY. Most of Buddhist Puranas, included in Rajendralal's famous work The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal (1882), were translated by Haraprasad. Rajedralal used to supervise project for the collection and preparation of the Descriptive Catalogue of manuscripts of the Asiatic Society and after his death, from July 1891 Shastri took over the charge of the Director of the Operations in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts.
Haraprasad's labour and judgement in recovering the traces of old Sanskrit language and literature has become legendary. He prepared a descriptive catalogue of about ten thousand manuscripts with the assistance of one or two persons. The long introduction to the Catalogue contains invaluable information on the history of Sanskrit literature. He collected manuscripts of the compositions of the local bards and bhats from Rajsthan. In the process of collecting Sanskrit manuscripts he developed interest in the collection of old Bangla manuscripts and in this regard he got the assistance of Munshi ABDUL KARIM SAHITYAVISHARAD (1871-1953) and DINESH CHANDRA SEN (1866-1939). Haraprasad included the task of collecting and publishing Bangla manuscripts in the research programme of the Asiatic Society.
He held different posts in the Asiatic Society including its Presidentship for two years (1919 & 1920) and later he adorned the post of its Vice President till his death. Besides the Descriptive Catalogue, he collected and published edited versions from the Society of many sources of ancient history, culture and literature, the most notable among them are BRHADDHARMA PURANA, SANDHYAKAR NANDI's RAMACHARITAM and Aryadeva's Chatuhshatika.
The famous economist ROMESH CHUNDER DUTT (1848-1909) associated Haraprasad in his work and with his help Datta published the translation of Rgveda Sanghita in 1885. Through his association with Datta, Haraprasad developed interest in economic history and published five articles, the most important of which was his Nutan Khajana Ain Sambandhe Kalikata Riviu-r Mat (Bangadarshan, Kartik, 1287).
During his drive for collection of manuscripts for the Asiatic Society he developed interest in bringing out clearly the different phases in the development of the Bangla language and literature. In search of ancient Bengal manuscripts Haraprasad visited Nepal four times in 1897, 1898, 1907 and 1922. In 1907 he discovered the manuscripts of Charyagiti, the oldest evidence of Bangla poetry. His research in the manuscripts for long 7 or 8 years proved that the language of the songs was old Bangla. In 1916, Bangiya Sahitya Parisat published his Hajar Bachharer Purana Bangala Bhasay Bauddhagan o Doha, in which Haraprasad edited two Dohakosas, Dakarnava along with Charyyacharyyavinishchaya. The last mentioned work, which Haraprasad had discovered and edited, was his greatest contribution in the field of research in Bangla language and literature.
The English officials predominated in the affairs of the Asiatic Society. The aspiration of the Bengalis to have an institution of their own came to be fulfilled in 1300 BS, when the VANGIYA SAHITYA PRISHAD was established through the efforts of the local intellectuals. Haraprasad greatly contributed to the consolidation of this institution, which has a glorious history of more than hundred years. For long he served this institution in various capacities; for 12 years he was its President. Under his leadership it developed research programmes in the Bangla language and literature, its journal was improved and the work of collecting, editing and publishing old manuscripts gained momentum. The institution of the Bengalis developed into their own cultural centre.
From his own researches Haraprasad strove to establish the racial identity of the Bengali people and came to the conclusion that there was very little of Aryan influence in it, most of it was indigenous. Aryan influence or Brahmanic influence was never all pervasive. On the other hand Buddhism had deep influence on the society. In the pre-Muslim period Vajrayana-Sahajayana, the transformed version of Buddhism, had far-reaching influence among Bengal's general populace. Under the influence of this popular religious philosophy was developed a rich literary tradition, the most glorious example of it were the Charyagitis.
His literary activities were spread over a period of more than 55 years, from Bankim to Rabindranath. After a certain period he moved away from Bankim's tradition; he protested Bankim's endeavour to use literature for the propagation of religious ideas. In his revaluation of Sanskrit literature, especially Kalidasa's kavya and dramas, this modern attitude is very much evident.
Haraprasad was honoured by many institutions and the government, the most notable were: Calcutta University made him a Life Fellow in 1888; the Royal Asiatic Society of England made him a honorary member in 1921; Dhaka University awarded him a honorary D Lit in 1927; he was the President of the Fifth Oriental Conference held in Lahore in 1928; he received the title of Mahamahopadhyaya from the government in the 60th year of Queen Victoria's reign in 1898 and he was conferred CIE (Companion of the Indian Empire) in 1911. He breathed his last on 17 November 1931.
Upavasa
Upavasa literally, abstaining from food, applies to Hindu fasting. Most religions have some form of fasting when people abstain from eating and drinking to exercise control of the senses and to acquire a sense of closeness with the divine. Hinduism too has a form of fasting for both physical and spiritual benefits. Unlike Muslim fasting which is obligatory during the month of RAMADAN, Hindu fasts are observed only on several different occasions: weddings, pujas and various religious rites
Some Hindus regularly observe weekly fasts, believing that this regimen keeps them healthy. In their case the physical aspect is more important than the spiritual. Those who fast for religious reasons believe that physical as well as mental abstention from pleasures is necessary. Fasting thus also plays a role in controlling desire, anger, greed and lust. It is believed that a devotee who exercises restraint through fasting can enjoy profound mental peace. Hindus fast on certain regular days, for example, on a fixed weekday, on the eleventh day of the lunar fortnight, on amavasya, the last day of the lunar moon, or on purnima, the day of the full moon. Devout Hindus also fast before a puja or other religious rites. Hindu students fast before worshipping the goddess SARASWATI, the goddess of learning.
Unlike the Muslim fast, which lasts from sunrise to sunset, upavasa is a twenty-four hour fast. However, unlike the Muslim fast which does not allow any food or drink for the duration of the fast, during upavasa water may be drunk and something light, for example, fruit or khoi, puffed rice, may be eaten. Among Muslims, the obligatory fast in Ramadan is binding on both men and women. However, among Hindus, certain fasts are observed by both men and women, some only by women, while others by men alone. For example, when a girl gets married, her father is obliged to observe upavasa, while the mother may or may not do so.
The severity of upavasa varies, depending on a person's physical condition and capacity for endurance. Those who cannot fast for the entire 24-hour period without eating something may take a small quantity of light food. For example, a prospective bride's father may take khoi-though not moori-and water during his fast. On the other hand, someone may decide not to take even water during upavasa. Some great sages are known to have observed upavasa for two, three, or even four days at a stretch. MK Gandhi used the tradition of fasting for political purposes.
Some Hindus regularly observe weekly fasts, believing that this regimen keeps them healthy. In their case the physical aspect is more important than the spiritual. Those who fast for religious reasons believe that physical as well as mental abstention from pleasures is necessary. Fasting thus also plays a role in controlling desire, anger, greed and lust. It is believed that a devotee who exercises restraint through fasting can enjoy profound mental peace. Hindus fast on certain regular days, for example, on a fixed weekday, on the eleventh day of the lunar fortnight, on amavasya, the last day of the lunar moon, or on purnima, the day of the full moon. Devout Hindus also fast before a puja or other religious rites. Hindu students fast before worshipping the goddess SARASWATI, the goddess of learning.
Unlike the Muslim fast, which lasts from sunrise to sunset, upavasa is a twenty-four hour fast. However, unlike the Muslim fast which does not allow any food or drink for the duration of the fast, during upavasa water may be drunk and something light, for example, fruit or khoi, puffed rice, may be eaten. Among Muslims, the obligatory fast in Ramadan is binding on both men and women. However, among Hindus, certain fasts are observed by both men and women, some only by women, while others by men alone. For example, when a girl gets married, her father is obliged to observe upavasa, while the mother may or may not do so.
The severity of upavasa varies, depending on a person's physical condition and capacity for endurance. Those who cannot fast for the entire 24-hour period without eating something may take a small quantity of light food. For example, a prospective bride's father may take khoi-though not moori-and water during his fast. On the other hand, someone may decide not to take even water during upavasa. Some great sages are known to have observed upavasa for two, three, or even four days at a stretch. MK Gandhi used the tradition of fasting for political purposes.
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