Bathan

Bathan (cattle colony) a nearly extinct agrarian institution for community herding of the CATTLE of the village. Literally bathan, a PRAKRIT word, means cowshed or a place where cattle is housed and maintained. The word appears in ancient and medieval texts when GOALA/gop or milk caste and gods and goddesses pertaining to these castes are referred to. As a legend goes, goddess MANASA once landed in a bathan in guise of a stranger and sought, as a test, protection from a bathan goala. Such a legend indicates high antiquity of bathan as a mode of rural living and organisation in ancient times. Institutionally, bathan is a form of agrarian business pursued by professional rakhals or cattle minders who keep his and other people's cattle under his care for grazing on community land. This institution flourished at a time when LIVESTOCK constituted a crucial factor in rural economy and social relations. A catetory of people called rakhal or bathania used to maintain cattle of the village community in the field and in return received remuneration from the community in kind. CROPs and livestock were common medium of exchange between rakhals and husbandmen.
In olden times, bathan was common to all places of Bengal wherever a rural settlement emerged. One who was unable to tend his cattle by himself or herself surrendered their cattle to a bathan establishment where it grew under the care of its custodian, bathania. With the growth of population and practice of intensive cultivation and consequent scarcity of grazing grounds, the bathan institution has been shrinking from early nineteenth century. The khas or public land was normally used as sites of bathans. But as the quantity of khas land diminished over time, the system of maintaining cattle on khas land as a mode of production also declined. Bathan, however, is still noticeable in some zones in Bangladesh, such as, haor basin, newly formed chars and offshore islands. The settlements are dismantled when the MONSOON comes. The cattle of the haor villages where fodder is scarce or absent during monsoon is usually transported to new bathans established in the hilly areas where grasses and leaves grow in the rainy season. Most present milk product industries are now located near bathans or modern dairy farms.

Kumartuli-A Clay Model-Maker's Haven

Kumartuli the clay model-makers haven, is older than Calcutta, which grew out of three little villages, viz., Gobindapore, Kalikutta and Sutanooti way back in 1690. The history of the Kumartuli potter can be traced back to Krishnanagar in South Bengal. To begin with, near about the middle of the seventeenth century, potters in search of better livelihood came from Krishnanagar to Gobindapore, a prosperous village on the banks of the river Bhagirathi (now the River Hooghly), to eke out a living by making earthen ware pots, clay toys and cooking utensils for household use. When the land at Gobindapore was required by the British East India company for building Fort William, the inhabitants migrated further up the river to Sutanooti. The potters moved in to their new destination, colonized a vast area and named it Kumartuli, the term "Kumar" meaning a potter and "tuli" a locality. The Bengal Consultations, a journal of 1707 AD, gives an account of the presence of Kumars who occupied 75 acres of land in Sutanooti, which is a constituent part of present day north Calcutta.
The Durga Puja festival in autumn was an annual event in the homes of wealthy aristocrats. Potters came all the way from Krishnanagar, braving the perils of a river voyage, to mould the images of the gods and goddesses for the Durga Puja festival. By about the end of the eighteenth century, as the ways of the rich inspired the commoner, the annual worship of goddess Durga gained popularity. In 1790, as recorded in the Friend of India (now The Statesman), a dozen Brahmins formed the first ever committee to celebrate Durga Puja in Calcutta. They collected money in the form of a punitive tax (subscription), had the image of the deity made at Kumartuli and organized the first ever community Durga Puja festival. As the trend caught on, making images of gods and goddesses became a lucrative livelihood for the potter-turned-artisan.
Just where history ends and legend begins no one is quite sure. Kumartuli's clay model-makers claim their descent from people who made images of Durga for Maharaja Krishna Chandra of Krishnanagar. However, many historians are of the opinion that the ancestors of the artisans were potters who had drifted in during the days of the Raj but the power of legend still overwhelms the ordinary visitor.
Kumartuli, densely populated, is a hive of activity from June to the end of January as artisans get busy making scores of images for the annual autumnal festival. A potters colony ever since its inception and a model-makers haven now, it is the home of the finest clay-artisans in India.
In Calcutta, during the four days of puja festivity there is a craze to see Ma Durga or Mother Goddess made by Sri Ramesh Chandra Pal. Perhaps, he is the most reputed clay model-makers and sculptor at Kumartuli today. Sri Pal moulds clay to flawless images at his Raja Nabakrishna Street studio which inspire a sense of devotion. He sticks to tradition while shaping them where every part of the face is perfect with a touch of the super-human. And, Bengal's best known model-maker says, "Durga or the mother goddess is another form of Shakti (power) who fights evil forces, and we try to depict this facet in the icons through contemporary events."
Nearly eighty per cent of the community puja images in Calcutta are made at Kumartuli by lesser known artisans, who strive to make something new and innovative in their sphere of endeavour. However, aloof from the bandwagon of the traditional clay model-maker are Sri Amarnath Ghosh, Anshu Malakar and Kamakasha Bala Pal, pith artisans, who carve pith (shola) images of the goddess for non-resident Indians celebrating Durga Puja festival in different parts of the world. To preserve the cultural identity of these Bengalis, light-weight pith images are packed carefully in wooden crates and flown out from Kumartuli to Sao Paolo, New Orleans, New York, Montreal Toronto, London, Nigeria, Lagos, Singapore, Tokyo and even to Australia. However, no other image-maker has earned as much fame as Ghosh has and many of his creations are on display in museums abroad.
Making an image of a deity is a routine affair for an artisan at Kumartuli and they seldom use tools. To begin with, a skeleton of the figure is made first with small wooden planks and strips of bamboo. It stands on a wooden pedestal. The deity is roughly shaped with straw and tied with jute strands. It is one of the most significant steps in the art of clay model-making, as the final shape of the image depends on how well the straw dummy is conceived. A thick coating of blackish clay, mixed with rice husk is applied over the dummy. It is left to dry for a couple of days in the sun. A compound of sand-clay and jute fibre is smeared over the first coating and the surface is smoothed with a piece of wet cloth.
The delicate modelling procedure is taken up as soon as the figures have dried up completely. The head and fingers, both made with cement dices, originally developed in terra-cotta moulds, are fixed to the neck and hands respectively with clay paste. The joints of limbs are wrapped in pieces of cloth previously soaked in clay solution. The figure is white-washed two or three times over with chalk solution. When they have dried the traditional base colour -- red, white, yellow, pink, blue and black, according to preference -- is painted all over the body. The eyes, brows and the lip give the expression on the face. The dress is gorgeous. So is the jewellery. Images of Durga are embellished more often with shimmering gold foil and silver filigree ornaments.
Most of them shape the icons in the traditional mould, clinging desperately to time-honoured traditions in an age of modernity. By and large the gods and goddess have features ingrained in the popular imagination through myth, legend and literature. Thus, they are made in two distinct styles, either in the Bangla or Do-Bhashi mould.
The contours of the Bangla mould or visage is triangular, with a square chin, the hooked nose of a parrot and bamboo-leaf eyes and brows that extend impossibly from the bridge of the nose to the hairline. The Do-Bhasi mould, on the other hand is much softer. The complexion, too, is idealized like molten gold, more often yellow as the sun at crack of dawn. The model-makers have a common theme. They depict the battle between Durga and Mahisasura as dictated in the Puranas (ancient texts).
There is a frenzy, of last minute activity, at Kumartuli just about twenty days before the drums (dhaks) rend the air and the festival begins. For four days in succession viz., Maha Saptami, Maha Stami, Maha Navami and Vijaya Dasami the city of Calcutta has dazzling displays of coloured lights, ostentatiously decorated pandals, extravagant shows of icons and milling crowds.
What is there in the Bengali ethos that brings such an economic bonanza, enlightenment and faith in the City of Calcutta every autumn? To understand this you have to be here much before the pujas begin; witness the artisan at work in Kumartuli and then experience the spirit of the puja about a fortnight before the drums fade away and the images immersed in the muddy waters of the river Hooghly, melt into oblivion. And, what will the Kumartuli model-maker say at the end of all this. “We work round the clock to create exquisite works of art. But it sometimes hurts when we see our own creations being destroyed. Our year-long efforts are sunk without a trace”.

Lakhiraj (rent-free grant)

Lakhiraj (rent-free grant) an Arabic term for rent-free land granted as a mark of favour to a subject by a superior landholder or the sovereign. Lakhiraj land or lands exempted from rent was an important characteristic of the Mughal constitution. During Hindu period also, there was a system of nishkar or rent-free lands granted to people favoured by the royalties for various reasons. The maintenance of religious establishments, educational institutions, shrines and temples etc. was considered to be the state responsibilities from very ancient times. Under the Mughals, the tradition attained its peak. According to the AMINI COMMISSION (1776), a significant part of revenue lands of the empire was assigned to the lakhirajdars of various denominations. In government documents the lakhiraj lands were recorded then as baze zamin or miscellaneous lands.
Attempts were made to resume baze zamins from the beginning of the British rule. The nature of the colonial state was inconsistent with the lakhiraj system. But stiff opposition from the grantees persuaded the government to revise its original policy and resume only those lands to rental which were proved to be alienated illegally. According to the Regulations XIX and XXXVII of 1793, all lakhirajdars were required to produce their sanads for verification and registration with the district collector's office. In 1822, the government resolved to make a survey of all illegally alienated lands and resume them to state ownership. The drive for the resumption of lakhiraj land led to a large-scale cancellation of lakhiraj sanads, which were mostly held by the Muslims. The drive ended in 1840 and since that time no rent-free land, unless claimed by any successor, was ever resumed by government.
Lakhiraj lands include pirottar or lands for maintenance of sufi establishments, brahmottar or lands for maintenance of Brahmanical establishments, aima or lands for charity organisations, cheragi or lands for upkeeping shrines, madat-i-mas or lands for the support of educational and benevolent institutions. According to law, the successors to the lakhiraj lands can enjoy them but cannot transfer them without a sanction from the government. Though lakhiraj lands were rent-free, every district collectorate maintains detailed records of such land in a series called B-Register, which records the latest incumbents of the lakhiraj rights. During British and Pakistan(East Bengal) periods, all lakhiraj grants were looked after by the Court of Wards, which used to manage a grant if its holders were in conflict as regards their individual rights and obligations.

Panch Pir

Panch Pir an important development in the concept of Pirism in Bengal. With the spread of Islam to distant lands Muslims came in contact with people of other religions. As a result Islam influenced other religions and likewise others also influenced Islam and the Muslims. The influence was mainly through the Pirs or saintly persons.
The adoration of Panch-Pir (five Pirs) was prevalent in some parts of Bengal, particularly in West Bengal in the districts of Burdwan and Midnapore. Panch-Pir, as family deities, represented by a small mound on a clay plinth erected in the northwest corner of one of the rooms of the house, was worshipped both by Muslims and Hindus, particularly of the lower strata of the society. On the mound was fixed a piece of iron, resembling a human head and five fingers resembling the five pirs.
It is difficult to trace the origin of the reverence to the Panch-Pir.
Though the name of Parch-Pir is associated with Pir Badar in the ballads, Pir Badar also cannot be identified. There are several places where Pir Badar is remembered. But if Pir Badar of the ballads is identified with Pir Badar or Badar Shah associated with the Muslim conquest of Bengal Bhati, it may be assumed that the Panch-Pir concept originated in the 14th century. Of course, the Panch-Pir could have been associated with the name of Pir Badar at a later date as well.
It is difficult to ascertain who the five pirs were. Lists of Panch-Pir found at different places differ, they include some local pirs, though one Ghazi Miyan is common, but who is this Ghazi Miyan is not known. Those who are killed in jihad (religious war) are called Shahid (martyr) and those who come out successful are called Ghazi. Ghazi stands for valour and heroism. The poor and lower class village folk, therefore, adored Panch-Pir as symbol of power and they sought asylum under their protection.

THE GREAT HOLOCAUST OF BENGAL By Anil Chawla

History is written by those who win a war and not by the losers. No wonder, the history of Second World War is written by British and American authors. We are told that the war was necessary to eliminate the evil of Nazism and Hitler from the earth. Nazism and Hitler are painted as devils because they killed six million Jews (a figure put out by British and Jew historians and disputed by many).
The last chapter in the history of Second World War was written in early October 1945 at the famous trial, when the four prosecuting nations -- the United States Great Britain France and Russia -- issued an indictment against 24 men and six organizations. The individual defendants were charged with the systematic murder of millions of people.
Sixty years after the end of the war, time has come to reopen the case and institute a fresh Nuremberg trial - this time against one of the prosecuting nations -- Great Britain -- for systematic and intentional murder of millions of people. This genocide was not confined to the Second World War. In fact, only its last episode was played out during the war. The ghastly genocide, which used hunger and starvation as tools, lasted for about eighteen decades and was carried out in Bengal, India(at present is partly in India and partly in Bangladesh by the British colonial masters claiming about thirty million victims.
It started in 1770 with a big bang, when approximately one third of the total population of Bengal died because of a drought. About 10 million people died! East India Company, which had occupied the country five years earlier, did not even once attempt to introduce any measures of aid worth mentioning. British officers in India were happily reporting to their bosses in London about having maximized their profit through trading and export of food. (Incidentally, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, the prophet of Indian nationalism, wrote his celebrated novel "Anandamath" with the battle cry 'Bandemataram' in the context of the agony evoked by the ravages of the famine of 1770.)
It must be mentioned here that Bengal is a land of rivers and most fertile land of Ganges delta. Bengal was a granary of India till British came in. Every village had, and still has, a pond, which has fishes that can feed the village even when there is no rice. It needed British intervention to convert the lush green land of Bengal into famine-starved land.
Bengal had 30 or 40 famines (depending on how one defines famine) during 182 years of British rule in Bengal. There are no reliable accounts of the number of people who died in these famines. We have only the figures put out by British colonialists. But even given the limited data availability, once can see the barbaric face of British colonialism in India.
The last big famine in Bengal occurred between 1942 and 1945. At least four million people died during these three years. Some scholars believe that the number of dead was much higher (remember that the figure of four million is based on British sources). Notwithstanding the controversy about the number of dead, it is widely accepted that the famine was man-made. Nobel laureate, Amartya Sen, has demonstrated quite convincingly that the famine deaths were caused by British policies and not by drastic slump in food production.
The following facts deserve attention:

1. In May 1942, Burma fell to Japanese. British were afraid that Japanese aided by Indian National Army (led by Subhash Chandra Bose) would invade India from the east. Bose's slogan - Dilli Chalo (Let us go to Delhi) - had struck fear in the hearts of British. The British followed a policy of 'scorched earth'. On one hand, this was to ensure denial of food to invading armies, in case the Japanese decided to march across Bengal. On the other hand, the British wanted to break the will and ability of people of Bengal to rise in rebellion in support of the invaders. It could not be a coincidence that British executed a military police action in October 1942, during which 193 camps and buildings of the Congress Party were destroyed and countless people arrested. Between August 1942 and February 1943, 43 persons were shot by the British occupation police. Additionally, British troops were involved in an unknown number of rapes and lootings of food supplies, among other things.
2. Bengal was overcrowded with refugees as well as with retreating soldiers from various British colonies which were temporarily occupied by the Japanese. In March 1942 alone, around 2,000 to 3,000 British soldiers and civilians arrived every day in Calcutta and Chittagong, and in the month of May, a total of 300,000 were counted. As a result of the massive food purchases by the government, food prices in the countryside skyrocketed.
3. Expecting a Japanese landing in the Gulf of Bengal, the British authorities enacted the so-called "Boat-Denial Scheme" leading to confiscation of all boats and ships in the Gulf of Bengal which could carry more than 10 persons. This resulted in not less than 66,500 confiscated boats. Consequently, the inland navigation system collapsed completely. Fishing became practically impossible, and many rice and jute farmers could not ship their goods anymore. Subsequently the economy collapsed completely, especially in the lower Ganges-Delta.
4. The confiscations of land in connection with military fortifications and constructions (airplane landing places, military and refugee camps) led to the expulsion of about 150,000 to 180,000 people from their land, turning them practically into homeless persons.
5. Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in order to make food artificially scarce. This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942 under the title "Rice Denial Scheme." The purpose of it was, as mentioned earlier, to deny an efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion. Simultaneously, the government authorized free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for delivery into governmental food storage. So, on one hand government was buying every grain of rice that was around and on the other hand, it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from other regions of the country.
6. The blank check of the government (for food purchases) triggered price inflation. As a result, some merchants did not deliver food to the government but hoarded it, hoping for higher profit margins when selling it later. This led to further food shortages on the market and to further price increases.
7. In addition to this inflationary thrust, massive military activities in Bengal were basically financed by overtime of money printing presses. Oversupply of paper money by Government led to a general inflation, which hit the impoverished population in the countryside especially hard.
8. Even though British law in India provided that emergency laws were to be applied in case of famines, the famine in Bengal was never officially recognized as such; an emergency was not declared, and therefore no drastic counter measures were taken for its amelioration. It was not until October of 1943 that the British government took notice of the emergency situation, but it still refused to introduce any supportive measures that would have been necessary.
9. Even though India imported about 1.8 million tons of cereals before the war, Britain made sure that India had an export surplus of rice at record levels in the tax year 1942/43.
10. The bad situation in Bengal was discussed in the British Parliament during a meeting at which only 10% of all members participated. Repeated requests for food imports to India (400 Million people) led to the delivery of approximately half a million tons of cereal in the years 1943 and 1944. In contrast to this was the net import to Great Britain (50 Million people) of 10 million tons in the second half of the year 1943 alone. Churchill repeatedly denied all food exports to India, in spite of the fact that about 2.4 million Indians served in British units during the Second World War.

Given a choice, I would rather die in a gas chamber than die of starvation begging on the streets. Viewed from this perspective, Hitler appears humane and even angelic, while Churchill puts even the devil to shame. The thirty million men, women and children who died slow, painful deaths in the villages of Bengal were not enemies of the British Empire. They had done nothing to deserve the cruel fate. Howsoever much one might disagree with Hitler, at least in his own warped logic, he had a reason to hate Jews. British Government and Churchill did not even have such a fig leaf of distorted logic to justify their cruel barbaric act.
Amartya Sen(one of those beneficiary class of British Raj – editor lokfolk) has used the Bengal famine to justify democracy and run down dictatorships. The fact is that Churchill was democratically elected by British people. After independence, from 1947 till date, East Bengal (presently known as Bangladesh) has been ruled by dictators for many years. Yet, during the past five and a half decades, the number of starvation deaths in East Bengal (or West Bengal) is not even one per cent of the number of people that died of starvation during the half-century before independence. The issue, obviously, is not dictatorship versus democracy.
We are also told that the rulers of Bengal, before the British arrived, were self-centered despots, who did not care about their people's well being and were spoilt by luxury. British take pride in the fact that they brought 'good governance' and 'rule of law' to India, starting from Bengal and spreading to the rest of the country. In spite of all the alleged misrule that the Indian rulers of pre-British era indulged in, there is absolutely no historical account of any major famine in Bengal prior to the arrival of British in Bengal.
Academicians have a tendency to miss (deliberately?) the holistic reality when they go hammer and tongs over fine details. Most academic debates about Bengal Famine have missed the most essential aspect - criminal act of the British Government. There is a tendency to study the Bengal famine in terms of parameters, which were internal to Bengal, like food supply, disease history of rice, inflation economics, democracy as a system of governance, weather analysis and many such wonderful terms. All such studies treat the famine as if it was a product of some systemic internal parameters peculiar to Bengal; and all that is needed is to study the parameters with a view to ensure that the same do not recur. This is a wrong premise.
Bengal was a victim of a criminal act perpetrated for more than one and three quarters of a century. British establishment indulged in brutal genocide in Bengal, at times to further their own interests and at other times out of sheer negligence of their duties. In either case, the British Government stands guilty of the worst crime in recent human history.
The Holocaust in Germany was a minor event compared to what the British did to a people, who trusted them and were loyal to them. Nazis have been accused and convicted of the Holocaust in Germany. Even today, there are attempts to hunt down ex-Nazis and bring them to justice. A few weeks ago, a court awarded compensation to a Holocaust victim.
Is it not time that the descendants of the victims of The Great Holocaust of Bengal sought compensation from the present Government of the United Kingdom? Is it possible to initiate a criminal case against Winston Churchill and all those who were in power during 1942-45 (or during 1765-1947) in British Government? Is that too much to ask for? Do you believe that the systematic murder of six million white-skinned Jews was a crime worthy of punishment, while the killing of thirty million black-skinned people of Bengal does not even deserve a footnote in history?
The least that people of India and Bangladesh can do is to construct a memorial in the memory of millions who died at the hand of a cruel barbaric monster. Let us at least shed a tear for them! Let us at least rewrite the history!
Acknowledgement: The author is indebted to many scholars who have studied Bengal Famine. For the sake of brevity and readability, detailed references are not provided. However, special thanks are due to "The Unknown Famine Holocaust - About the Causes of Mass Starvation in Britain's Colony of India 1942-1945 by Wolfgang Pfitzner, The Revisionist 1(1) (2003), pp. 71-75;
ANIL CHAWLA is an engineer (and now a lawyer too) by qualification but a philosopher by vocation and a management consultant by profession.

Famine Screem by Zainul Abedin

The Great Bengal Famines(Caused by the British)

Famine a state of extreme starvation suffered by the POPULATION of an area due to scarce food supply. It appears in times when crops fail or food cannot be supplied where it is required. Crop failures stemming from adverse climatic or topographic imbalances like DROUGHTs, FLOODs, tidal surges, excessive RAINFALL etc as well as animal or plant diseases, plagues of locusts and other insects and rodents normally get the blame for famines. In many instances, famines were caused by poor transport and communication and absence of well established channels of trade system.
Modern achievements in science and technology and their subsequent impact on industry, agriculture, trade and transport brought a radical change both in the meaning and nature of famines. At present, it is accepted that famines originate mainly from 'entitlement failures'. As Nobel laureate Professor A Sen said, 'access to food is not only a function of food supply but it is influenced by a variety of factors that affect the capacity of particular households and social groups to establish entitlement over food'. In a free market economy access to food is subject to direct and indirect entitlements.
Direct entitlement implies access of peasants to the food they produce. Indirect entitlement mainly indicates the trade entitlement generating from the capacity of the households to exchange what they have to sell in the market to buy necessary goods and services. Several non-market factors such as socio-political status, role of the state, the legal system, and the role of media also aid to these indirect entitlements. Famines may visit even when there is no decline in food output and availability per head. Thus, distribution failures, and not production failures, come in the forefront in the causation theory of famines.
The earliest famine in Bengal region is recorded in a stone inscription found at MAHASTHANGARH near BOGRA in the third century BC, wherein the higher authority instructed subordinate officials to supply paddy to distressed places and to reimburse the same through coins during heydays. But, no further evidence of famines is available for the next few centuries. It may, however, be said that during this time, though the commodities of the country used to be sold at a very cheap rate, ordinary people lived in abject POVERTY at the subsistence level, almost always facing the threat of famine. A number of intense famines have visited the land now known as Bangladesh in the last three hundred years.
The famine of 1770(Chiattorer Monnontor) occurred in 1769 and 1770. It is popularly known as Chhiyattarer Manvantar (The Great Famine of 1176 Bangla Year). It was the worst famine in Bengal in the 18th century. The excessive rainfall in 1770 did not relieve the people from the sufferings of DROUGHT of the year before; on the contrary, it caused overflowing of RIVERs and damaged standing crops. The existing revenue system of land and activities of middlemen in the FOODGRAIN market further deteriorated the situation.
The company administration of British Raj put the whole blame for the famine on the vagary of nature. But a quite different picture is also evident from some other facts. The revenue collection in 1768, the year preceding the famine, was Rs 15.21 million and in 1771, immediately after the famine, the EAST INDIA COMPANY did not allow a shortfall in revenue collection. Instead, its revenue collections were higher by about Rs 52,200. Thus, people's suffering was intensified by the company's motive of greater collection of revenue and its indulgence in allowing profiteering in the foodgrain market. The immediate effect of the famine was the depopulation of severely affected areas. About one-third of the population, ie, about 10 million people perished in this famine. Agricultural production and revenue collection declined substantially.
By early 1770 there was starvation, and by mid-1770 deaths from starvation were occurring on a large scale. There were also reports of the living feeding on the bodies of the dead in the middle of that year. Various diseases brought by the British people further took their toll of the population. At that time they destroyed the indigenous healing system. Later in 1770 good rainfall resulted in a good harvest and the famine abated. However, other shortfalls occurred in the following years, raising the total death toll.
As a trading body, the first remit of the company was to maximise its profits and with taxation rights the profits to be obtained from Bengal came from land tax as well as trade tariffs. As lands came under company control, the land tax was typically raised fivefold what it had been – from 10% to up to 50% of the value of the agricultural produce.
As a result of the famine large areas were depopulated and returned to jungle for decades to come, as the survivors migrated in mass in a search for food. Many cultivated lands were abandoned—much of Birbhum, for instance, returned to jungle and was virtually impassable for decades afterwards. From 1772 on, bands of bandits(this bandit term bandit was coined by the British and their Indian middleclass and upper middleclass creamy lairs counterparts who are the direct beneficiaries of Raj emperor and helped British to established their hegemony. The so called bandits are the large traditional labour force – evicted artisans of Bengal who are evicted from their age old professions for the profiteering and looting of the British Raj.) and thugs became an established feature of Bengal, and were only brought under control by punitive actions in the 1780s.
After the Palasy war the British Raj and the East India Company developing a new administration and altered the existing production system to collect more and more revenue and creating monopoly in bisiness. They ravished bengal’s weaving, salt making, metallurgy and every industrial production process and opened the fold gate for European (mainly British) goods to destroy the economy of Bengal. The collection(looting?) from the Bengal suba was about 42% of Indian collection.
Several famines visited British India during 1783 - 1886. Fortunately, Bengal was spared in this period. Bombay, Madras, Mysore, Punjab and some other northeastern areas of British India were badly affected by these famines.
The famine of 1866 Although Orissa was the main disaster zone, part of Bengal was also affected. Famine affected areas experienced a sharp decline in real wages of agricultural labourers. For the first time, an official body with extensive power of inquiry named the 'Famine Commission' was formed to investigate the causes of this famine and to suggest remedial measures.
The famine of 1896-98 affected Bengal along with provinces such as Bihar, Bombay, Oudh, Central Provinces and Punjab. In Bengal the failure of rainfall was the triggering factor. Foodgrains were available in market, but these were beyond the reach of the majority who had virtually no purchasing power. No market intervention by the government was in evidence to control prices. A famine commission, headed by Sir J B Lyall, was formed in December 1897. The commission observed that the wages of labourers and artisans had not increased in the last twenty years in proportion to the rise in prices of the daily necessities of life.
The Great Bengal Famine of 1943 was one of the worst famines to have struck this region. A series of crop failures beginning from 1938 and other disruptive events accompanying the Second World War precipitated this famine. Interruption of normal imports of foodgrains from Burma(Burma was the world's largest exporter of rice in the inter-war period) due to its fall to the Japanese, dislocation of trade, irregular movement of foodgrains due to the war in the East, and building up of provincial and district barriers (cordons) against the movement of grains and other essential supplies, increased demand for food to meet the want of the army, and inflow of REFUGEEs were some important factors leading to the famine of 1943. And the failure on the part of the administration to foresee these crises at the beginning of the war added further fuel to the fire.
Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in order to make food artificially scarce. This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942 under the title "Rice Denial Scheme." The purpose of it was, as mentioned earlier, to deny an efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion. Simultaneously, the government authorized free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for delivery into governmental food storage. So, on one hand government was buying every grain of rice that was around and on the other hand, it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from other regions of the country
A heavy toll of life was claimed by the famine. The total number of deaths was estimated at 3.5 million. Almost the whole of Bengal was more or less affected by the famine and suffered loss of lives. But it is noteworthy that though a large number of people died from starvation on the pavements of CALCUTTA, not a single person among the dead belonged to the city and its suburbs. People migrated to the city from outside in search of food, which most of them often did not find, and many among them died implying that people from rural areas were more vulnerable to the disaster.

Goala

Goala (milkmen) a pastoral caste among Hindus called Sadgope. Goala's main occupation was, and scarcely still is, selling MILK and milk products. At present, there are goalas in the countryside but in urban areas, they no longer have the monopoly in selling milk and milk products. Goalas are now substituted by common people, both Hindus and Muslims trained in the occupation.
Most parts of West Bengal one can find the myth of lactating cows on a shiva linga. usually most of the parts of west bengal are once upon a time dominated by goala, titled Ghosh. Till recent time a mela(festival) called Samaj used to organised by mainly Goalas.
Tradition goes that the goalas descended from the God KRISHNA, whose relations with the milkmaids of Brindaban play a prominent part in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the tribes of Yadavas or the descendants of Yado, a nomadic race who grazed CATTLE and made butter. Goddess MANASA is said to have landed in a cattle field in the guise of a goalini (female goala).
The internal structure of the caste is divided into many sub-castes such as Desi, Nandbangshi, Jadubangshi, Surajbangshi, Goalbagnshi, Ahir and Katha. Ahir goalas carry out veterinary functions. They apply the acupuncture method in treating animal's illnesses such as cracks in the joint, rheumatism etc. Sometimes hot and reddish iron sticks are applied to cattle to help them recover the wound. In the caste hierarchy of Hindu society, goalas occupy a lower position and are counted as inferior, not only to the Navasaka, but also to the cultivating division of the Kaibarta caste. Majority of them is Vaishnavas, and they celebrate JANMASTAMI or festival of the birthday of Krishna with great pomp. Goalas pay special reverence to Bishahari, Ganpat, Gohil, and Gosawan, the god of cattle disease. To these vague shapes, flour, sweetmeats, milk, rice and occasionally sacrifices of goats are offered and partaken of by the worshippers. Monday and Friday are considered the most auspicious days by them and Saturday is believed to be particularly unlucky.

Gharami - Traditional Mud House Artisans of Bengal

Gharami specialised people who make the ghar or traditional house, especially mud houses. In the north and northeastern and northwestern parts of Bengal, which are above normal FLOOD level, houses are traditionally made of mud. The walls are built with processed mud and cow-dung. The alternative to mud walls is BAMBOO wall. The thick bamboo is split into plates, which are sewn into a strong fence. The roofs are thatched with bamboo reeds, rank grasses, and straw and corrugated iron. All these mud and bamboo houses have distinctive architectural styles. These houses are made by a professional class of ARTISANS called gharami.
Once upon a time, to be a gharami artisan was a hereditary calling, but now hereditary gharamis are declining. The main reason is shift of rural architecture from traditional to modern pucca or semi pucca houses. Traditional gharamis made houses of various sizes and designs. The most famous houses which show both art and lavishness are the atchala (eight fold thatch roofs) supported by decorated walls and partitions made variously of bamboo reeds, CANE and rank grass. Gharamis also make chowchala(four fold thatch roofs), duchala(two fold thatch roofs) an ekchala(single fold thatch roofs) ghars or houses. In elegance, next to atchala is the chowchala ghar. These houses are now becoming rarer and with that the class of gharami who once commanded considerable respect as rural architects is also fast withering.

Rajbansi Community

The Rajbansis are mainly concentrated in the Terai and Dooars region in Jalpaiguri District. Considered to be one of the sixteen numerically important schedule castes of the state. Though according to anthropologists, they disowned affiliation with any tribal group there are reason to believe that they are converted Koches.
The casts like Rajbansis, Koches and the Paliyas have the same origin and they come from a Dravidian stock with a possible admixture of Mongolian blood. Speaking a distinct dialect of Bengali, the Rajbansis most declared Bengali as their mother tongue during Census of 1961.
Marriage among the Rajbansis:
The Rajbansis still maintain some of the traditional practices during their marriage ceremony, which are, however, being supplanted by those of the upper-caste Hindus.
According to Mr. Charu Chandra Sanyal(“Rajbansis of North Bengal”)........"Some forms of companionate marriage where divorce can be effected without ado are still to be found amongst them........The practice of marrying elder brother's widow is not uncommon..........The system of Ghor-dzia where a man is received into a family with a view to being accepted as a son-in-law if the arrangement is suitable and in the meantime he works as an assistant to the prospective father-in-law, is common among the Rajbansis. In the alternative when the demanded bride price cannot be paid by the newcomer has to work under the prospective father-in-law to serve out a probationary period before he can claim to marry the girl.........Another type of marriage found in the Terai is the Chottro-dani. A woman after marriage is not allowed by her guardians to go to her guardians' house and in the meanwhile she is married elsewhere in lieu of some money. The first husband is paid some compensation and he renounces all claims over his wife. The divorce is automatic as no village court or Panchayet is necessary to give a decision."
The Rajbansis are basically agriculturalist and farming is their main occupation. Like all other tribes and castes the rural Rajbansis too have animistic believes, which are reflected in their social customs, festivals and rituals. One of their important festivals is the Mecheni Khela, which is connected with the worship of River Goddess Tista.

Betor

Betor (also spelt as Bator, Betore) was a major trading centre, the location being around present Shibpur in Howrah district in the Indian state of West Bengal.
In addition to the three recognised hamlets, Sutanuti, Gobindapur and Kalikata around which the city of Kolkata has grown up, must be added at least four others as the elementary constituents of the city (including Howrah on the opposite bank.) These are Chitpur, Salkia, Kalighat and Betor. Out of these four Betor, which was the focus of trade once upon a time, vanished in the seventeenth century.
At the end of the fifteenth century a poem in praise of the serpent-goddess written by Bipradas Pipilai gives us the first authentic glimpse of the area. Satgaon or Saptagram on the west bank of the Hooghly, between Bandel and Tribeni was a great port. Lower down the river, on the same bank, Betor was a large market town, where travellers paused to buy provisions and worship the goddess Chandi. Chitpur and Kalikata were neighbouring villages passed just before reaching Betor. Gobindapur and Sutanuti did not exist. Kalighat was a small sanctuary claiming just a bare mention.
Caesar Frederick, a Venetian who had travelled in the East from 1563 to 1581 and has left behind an account about some important cities, ports and business centres of India and of Bengal, mentions, “A good tides rowing before you come to Satgan, you shall have a place which is called Buttor, and from thence upwards the river is very shallow, and little water.”
At present only a simple temple of Betaichandi still exists.

Gangaridai

Gangaridai ('Ganga Rashtra' in Sanskrit meaning Nation on River Ganga) was the name of a "Bengal" Kingdom in 300 BC in West Bengal state of India. It was described by the Greek traveller Megasthenes in his work Indica. The Greek and Latin historians suggested that Alexander the Great withdrew from India anticipating the valiant joint counter attack of the mighty Gangaridai and Prasii (Nanda) Empires, the later located in central Bihar.

Alexander Cunningham, the doyen of Indian archeology and ancient history in his book The Ancient Geography of India translated Megasthenes Indica and Ptolemy 's periplus and termed the name Ganda-ridae. He identified the place in Punjab near Lahore or to be more accurate the ancient capital Taki. He mentions the place in connection to Ganda-bar or the central plain of any doabs formed by the five rivers in Punjab which are also the five mouths of Ptolemy. This term or place had nothing to do with Bengal. The other alternative offered by him and also by Dr. RC Majumdar in his history of India mentions the Five tribes Panchala people who did inhabit the other famous doab the Ganga Yamuna doab. Prassi or Prachya means East but actually also means people of the South Bank and Gangahridaya if taken to be such instead of actual term Gandaridae in Megasthenes Indica means Heart of Ganga which again means the Prayaga Allahbad to Magadha area. Prassi and Gandaridae means people of Doab and people to the south bank. If Prassi is Panchala then Gandaridae are the people of Kosala. If Gandaridae is Panchala then Prassi is Yaudheya and other republican tribes to south bank of Yamuna which did in 100 AD drive out the other invaders Kushanas (Dr. Majumdar And Dr Altekar History of India.) The main point which all Gangahridaya historians try to overlook is that Arrian and Magasthenese describe Alexander 's campaigns in Gedrosia (Baluchistan) where the Greeks fought and pursued the Prasii. Baluchistan has tradition of Pratarajas or Prachyarajas. Sandrocottus or Chandragupta is called the King of Prasii who lead the rebellion. Chandragupta united the republican tribes of the Vaahika pradesh (or aratta aka non king country) as Prasii and attacked the Greeks eventually taking Gedrosia from them. So Prasii are people from banks of Indus to Ganges which hardly means Gangahridaya were so far east as Bengal.
Ptolemy (c. 90 – c. 168), writes that the Gangaridai occupies the entire region about the five mouths of the Ganges and that the royal residence was in the city of Ganga. The five mouths are: 1. The Kambyson 2. The Mega 3. the Kamberikhon 4. the Pseudostomon 5. The Antibole.

The Periplus refers Gangaridai to be located on the Bay of Bengal north to the port city of Dosarene in Kalinga. And its main city with the same name as the river Ganges was on the bank of the river. Strabo, Pliny, Arrian et al.compiled a map of India as known to the early Greeks, based on ‘Indica’ of Megasthenes (4th century BC) where the Gangaridae kingdom has been shown in the lower Ganges and its tributaries. However all the Greek, Latin and Egyptian accounts about Gangaridai suggest that the country was located in the deltaic region of Southern Bengal.

Periplus mentions the city of Pataliputra which is north of Tosali or Dosarne and which if you look at the map, lies next to Ganges and is at the heart of Ganga as it flows from Himalayas to the Sea.
"When he (Alexander) moved forward with his forces certain men came to inform him that Porus, the king of the country, who was the nephew of that Porus whom he had defeated, had left his kingdom and fled to the nation of Gandaridai... He had obtained from Phegeus a description of the country beyond the Indus: First came a desert which it would take twelve days to traverse; beyond this was the river called the Ganges which had a width of thirty two stadia, and a greater depth than any other Indian river; beyond this again were situated the dominions of the nation of the Prasioi and the Gandaridai, whose king, Xandrammes, had an army of 20,000 horse 200,000 infantry, 2,000 chariots and 4,000 elephants trained and equipped for war".... "Now this (Ganges) river, which is 30 stadia broad, flows from north to south, and empties its water into the ocean forming the eastern boundary of the Gandaridai, a nation which possesses the greatest number of elephants and the largest in size. "----Diodorus Siculus (c. 90 BC– c. 30 BC). Quoted from The Classical Accounts of India, Dr R. C. Majumder, p. 170-72/234.

"Among the southern countries the first under the Kaukasos is India, a kingdom remarkable for its vast extent and the largeness of its population, for it is inhabited by very many nations, among which the greatest of all is that of the Gandaridae, against whom Alexander did not undertake an expedition, being deterred by the multitude of their elephants. This region is separated from farther India by the greatest river in those parts (for it has a breadth of thirty stadia), but it adjoins the rest of India which Alexander had conquered, and which was well watered by rivers and highly renowned for its prosperous and happy condition. "---Diodorus Siculus (1st century AD). Quoted from Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature, John W. McCrindle, p. 201.

"Next came the Ganges, the largest river in all India, the farther bank of which was inhabited by two nations, the Gangaridae and the Prasii, whose king Agrammes kept in field for guarding the approaches to his country 20,000 cavalry and 200,000 infantry, besides 2,000 four-horsed chariots, and, what was the most formidable of all, a troop of elephants which he said ran up to the number of 3,000. "---Quintus Curtius Rufus (wrote between 60-70 AD). Quoted from The Classical Accounts of India, p. 103-128.

"The Battle with Porus depressed the spirits of the Macedonians, and made them very unwilling to advance farther into India... This river (the Ganges), they heard, had a breadth of two and thirty stadia, and a depth of 1000 fathoms, while its farther banks were covered all over with armed men, horses and elephants. For the kings of the Gandaritai and the Prasiai were reported to be waiting for him (Alexander) with an army of 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8,000 war-chariots, and 6,000 fighting elephants. "---Plutarch (42-120 AD). Quoted from The Classical Accounts of India, p. 198.

"Now this river, which at its source is 30 stadia broad, flows from north to south, and empties its waters into the ocean forming the eastern boundary of the Gangaridai, a nation which possesses a vast force of the largest-sized elephants. Owing to this, their country has never been conquered by any foreign king: for all other nations dread the overwhelming number and strength of these animals. [Thus Alexander the Macedonian, after conquering all Asia, did not make war upon the Gangaridai, as he did on all others; for when he had arrived with all his troops at the river Ganges, he abandoned as hopeless an invasion of the Gangaridai and India when he learned that they possessed four thousand elephants well trained and equipped for war. ]"---Megasthenes (c. 350 BC-290 BC). Quoted from the Epitome of Megasthenes, Indika. (Diod. II. 35-42. ), Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian. Translated and edited by J. W. McCrindle.
"In the final part of its Ganges course, which is through the country of the Gangarides.... But Prasii surpass in power and glory every other people, not only in this quarter, but one may say in all India, their capital Palibothra (Pataliputra), a very large and wealthy city, after which some call the people itself the Palibothri, (He talks about Prasii during the reign of Chandragupta Maurya)... In the parts which lie southward from the Ganges the inhabitants, already swarthy, are deeply coloured by the sun, though not scorched black like the Ethiopians. "---Pliny the Elder (23-79 AD). Quoted from The Classical Accounts of India, Dr. R. C. Majumdar, p. 341-343.

"The least breadth of the Ganges is eight miles, and its greatest twenty. Its depth where it is shallowest is fully a hundred feet. The people who live in the furthest-off part are the Gangarides, whose king possesses 1,000 horse, 700 elephants, and 60,000 foot in apparatus of war. "---Megasthenes (INDICA) Quoted from FRAGM. LVI. B. Solin. 52. 6- 17. Catalogue of Indian Races, Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian. Translated and edited by J. W. McCrindle.

"... Sailing with the ocean to the right and the shore remaining beyond to the left, Ganges comes into view, and near it the very last land toward the east, Chryse. There is a river near it called the Ganges, and it rises and falls in the same way as the Nile. On its bank is a market-town which has the same name as the river, Ganges. Through this place are brought malabathrum and Gangetic spikenard and pearls, and muslin of the finest sorts, which are called Gangetic. It is said that there are gold-mines near these places. "---The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century AD). Quoted from The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Wilfred H. Schoff, p. 47-8.

"All the country about the mouths of the Ganges is occupied by the Gangaridai with this city : - Gange, the royal residence... 146- 19.15 degree., . "---Ptolemy (2nd century AD). Quoted from Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, John W. McCrindle, p. 172.

"Next come the wild tribes of the Peukalensians, beyond whom lie the seats of the Gangaridae, worshippers of Bacchus, ... the land here projects into the deep whirling ocean in steep precipices, over which the fowls of heaven in swift flight can hardly wing their way. "---Dionysius Periegetes (3rd century AD). Quoted from The Classical Accounts of Ancient India, p. 423.

Adi Ganga

Adi Ganga also known as Gobindapur creek, Surman’s Nullah and Tolly’s Nullah, was the main flow of the Hooghly River from the 15th to 17th century but has subsequently virtually dried up.
The earlier course of the lower Ganges as it flowed through the Bhaigirathi channel was somewhat different from what it is in the beginning of the 21st century. At Triveni, near Bandel, it branched into three streams. The Saraswati flowed in a south-westerly direction, past Saptagram. The Jamuna (not the same river as in north India or many streams of that name in eastern Bengal) flowed in a south-easterly direction. The Hooghly flowed in the middle. The Hooghly glided down to around the place where Kolkata now stands and then flowed through the Adi Ganga, past Kalighat, Baruipur and Magra to the sea.
In the 16th century, the main waters of the Bhagirathi, which earlier used to flow through the Saraswati, began to flow through the Hooghly. The upper Saraswati is a dead or dry river and the Hooghly has abandoned the Adi Ganga channel and adopted the lower course of the Saraswati to flow to the sea.
In his Manasamangal, Bipradas Pipilai has described the journey path of Chand Saudagor, the merchant, as going past Chitpur, Betore, Kalighat, Churaghat, Baruipur, Chhatrabhog, Badrikunda, Hathiagarh, Choumukhi, Satamukhi and Sagarsangam. The description of Bipradas Piplai tallies to a large extent with Van den Brouck’s map of 1660.
Some quarters ascribe the virtual drying up of Adi Ganga to its being artificially linked to the lower channel of the Saraswati, whereby that became the main channel for ocean going ships and the Adi Ganga became derelict. This feat is ascribed by some to Nawab Alivardi Khan. Others thinks that there was only a tidal creek connecting the Saraswati and the Hooghly, near the point where the Adi Ganga branched off. It is rumoured that the Dutch traders re-sectioned this tidal creek to let sea-going vessels come up the Bhagirathi.
It was known earlier as Gobindapur Creek and marked the southern boundary of Gobindapur village. It was excavated by Edward Surman and it bore his name for some time. Surman was leader of the eventful embassy to Delhi in 1717. The nullah was deepened by Colonel William Tolly in 1773 and connected to the Circular Canal. Thereafter, it bore his name. In 1775, Col. Tolly connected the Adi Ganga to the Vidyadhari.
Ever since Tolly’s renovation the Adi Ganga remained a navigable river. However, the neglect of waterways in general and other factors such as population pressure and unplanned urbanisation caused further silting of Adi Ganga. It ultimately turned into a sewer channel for the south-western part of Kolkata. The waterway is already gasping for life with the human usurpation of its flowing course. At some places the course has totally dried up.
The Kolkata Metro(underground railway system) stretch from Dum Dum to Tollygunj is a totally underground track, except the two terminal stations. A decision was taken to extend the southern end of the Metro by 8.5 km to Garia. The major difference for this extension is a totally over ground stretch running on an elevated track, quite contrary to the existing underground one. The Tollygunj-Garia section will run over the Adi Ganga. In 2007 the track work has completed and train started to ply. The railway track is laid over a row of concrete pillars on the bed of Adi Ganga. Six out of the seven stations on this new stretch will be elevated stations. Social activists opine that Metro railway’s construction activity will finally sound the death knell of the Adi Ganga.
When me (Biswendu) was working as a investigative journalist in a tv channel, made a series of documentaries and investigative reports how the blocking of channel can create a hell like situation in the monsoon season(till then the work has just started). And I am not happy today seeing my documentation spelling right oracle.

Titumir - the Born Rebel

Titumir , properly Titu Mir, was a rebel against the zamindars and British colonial system in 19th century Bengal, part of British India. He rebelled against the rich landlords and colonial British rulers and put up an impressive armed resistance. Along with his followers, he built a Bamboo fort (Bansher-Kella in Bangla) which passed into Bengali folk legend. After the storming of the fort by British soldiers, Titumir died of his wounds on November 19, 1831.
Titu Mir, real name Syed Mir Nisar Ali, was born on 27 January 1782 (14 Magh 1182 according to the Bangla calendar), in a small village named Chandpur, in the Thana area of the North 24 Parganas district. His father was Syed Mir Hassan Ali and his mother’s name was Abida Ruqayya Khatun.
Titu Mir’s education began in his village school, after which he moved to a local Madrassa, a traditional Muslim school. By the time he was 18 years of age, Titu Mir had become a Hafiz of the Qur'an, that is, he memorized the Qur'an by heart, and a scholar of the Hadith or Muslim traditions. He was also accomplished with the Bengali, Arabic, and Persian. During this time he came under the influence of several Wahhabi seers, who preached a mixture of militant Islam and anti-colonial thought and saw both religious and political reform as in Bengal of that time.
In 1822, Titu Mir went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, the Haj enjoined upon all Muslims, and on his return he commenced organizing the Muslim peasants of his native village against the landlords or Zamindars and the British colonialists. He also affected the 'tahband' a tube shaped garment worn around the waist, in preference to the dhoti, seen as more overtly Hindu.
Titu Mir opposed a number of discriminatory measures in force at that time which included taxes on the wearing of beards and on mosques. The rift between Titu Mir and his followers on one side, and the local Zamindars supported by the British rulers on the other side, continued to widen, and armed conflict broke out at several places. Titu Mir had himself belonged to a "peyada" or martial family and himself had served under a Zamindar as a 'lathial or 'lethel' (paik), a fighter with the quarterstaff or lathi, (which in Bengal is made of bamboo, not wood) and he was actively training his men in hand to hand combat and the use of the lathi. This weapon in skilled hands is deadly against anything except projectile weapons. He thus started military training inside the Mosques and Madrassahs. They started physically attacking the Zamindars and their followers and organized several armed dacoities so as to finance their movement. Since his Army was mostly made up of poor peasants , they had no horses as cavalry. So they also started to steal horses from the stables of the Zamindars and from the British Police Stations. This provoked the British Government to send an Army expedition of 7,000 Sepoys so as to bring them under control.
The followers of Titu Mir, believed to have grown to 15,000 by that time, readied themselves for prolonged armed conflict, and they built a fort of bamboo at Narikelbaria, near the town of Barasat. This was surrounded by a high double curtain wall of bamboo stakes filled in with mud cladding and sun-baked.
Titu Mir declared independence from the British, and regions comprising the current districts of 24 Parganas, Nadia and Faridpur came under his control. The private armies of the Zamindars and the forces of the British met with a series of defeats at the hands of his men as a result of his strike-and-retreat guerrilla tactics.
Finally, the British forces, armed with cannon and muskets, mounted a concerted attacks on 14 November 1831, on Titu Mir and his followers. Armed with nothing more than the bamboo quarterstaffs and Lathis and a few swords and spears, Titu Mir and his forces could not withstand the might of modern weapons, and were overwhelmed. The bamboo castle was destroyed, and Titu Mir was killed along with several of his followers. The commanding officer of the British forces noted his opponent's bravery in despatches, and also commented on the strength and resilience of bamboo as a material for fortification, since he had had to pound it with artillery for a surprisingly long time before it gave way.

Folk Music: A Source of Livelihood for Indigenous People in Bengal

A Research Proposal on

 By: Biswendu Nanda

Table of Content

Summary

1.      Introduction

a.       Background Information

b.      Problem Statement

c.       Rational of the study

2.      Research Objectives

3.      Literature Review

4.      Methodology

5.      Expected Research contribution

References

 Summary

Today, the creative industries are among the most dynamic sectors in the world economy, and provide new opportunities for developing countries to leapfrog into emerging high-growth areas of the world economy.[1]

In today’s world where human development is considered the most important part of economic development, cultural aspect and cultural industry is the core for the prosperity of people and to empower people as it will enabling them to improve their living standards and quality of life. In Bengal, music has characterised almost all stages of human development. It has been used during birth, initiation, marriage, war and death. Here forth, music plays an important role in the socio-economic aspect of the indigenous people of Bengal.

However, Music industry in Bengal is grossly underdeveloped because, barring one or two giant companies most of the region's music producers operate through micro-enterprises that are simply not up to the task of promoting local artistes and their music internationally. Hence, there is a need for creating a dynamic, professional network for all those involved in the Bengali music industry in order to initiate collaborative ventures and identify cooperative marketing and distribution strategies to promote indigenous musicians. The main focus should be on creating an environment where indigenous music will be economically rewarding to the indigenous artists and indigenous people involved in the creative music industry.

1.      Introduction

a.      Background Information:

Bengal is generally categorized as an adventure destination in the West, but our art and culture are also very important.[2]

Bengal is a country rich in terms of cultural diversity, with more than one hundred ethnic and caste groups. According to the Ethnographic researchers, ethnic groups are those “who have their own mother tongue and traditional customs, a distinct cultural identity, a distinct social structure and written or oral history all of their own"

The intangible cultural heritage which includes performing arts- music, dance, theatre, represents social practices and indigenous people’s way of life. Bengali people regard music as indispensable in every ceremony and rite of passage, from birth to death -and even after death, during funeral rituals and annual ceremonies to remember deceased ancestors. There are a variety of songs, dances, and plays performed in different parts of the country by different communities. Each performance creates a unique identity for a particular folk group, and it serves to reaffirm group identity within the wider Bengalese caste/ethnic group.

Indigenous music is an important part of Indigenous culture. Besides intangible heritage, tangible heritage –the traditional arts and crafts which are used for musical performances are

also a good source of income generation like the Gandharvas who make sarangi "the fiddles" and Badis who make the madal "the drum". Bengal also has a large number of folk musical instruments (527 kinds), some of which have been collected sporadiously at various Museums of Bengal.

Dissemination of folk songs via disc records began in the early 1930s. Later after the establishment of AAkashVani(All India Radio - AIR), folk songs were widely disseminated, which resulted in mass demand for cassettes and CDs of Bengali folksongs. Throughout the second half of the last century, government, semi-government and civil society organizations have popularized Bengalese folksongs and folk dances by awarding the creators and tradition bearers (often through competitions).

Different organization like Ministry of Culture, Tourism; The Department of Archaeology; Bengali Folklore Society are working for the preservation and promotion of folk performing arts. Besides these major organizations there are various community based cultural centers or organizations scattered across the country, which are also playing a vital role in safeguarding and promoting folk performing arts.

Artists and bands like Bhumi, Cactus, Udaan and some other artists have found indigenous music as the basis of their livelihood and income generation. They have also been profoundly popularizing indigenous Bengali music among Bengali youth and people worldwide. They have been struggling hard to preserve and promote the indigenous music and cultural heritage of Bengal.

b.      Problem statement

Indigenous music has suffered much neglect in recent years even though many institutions and organizations have been working for the preservation and promotion of Folklore in Bengal. Many folk instruments are in the verge of extinction. In the other hand, globalization has steadily been dislocating our indigenous-folk glory faster than ever. Lack of knowledge on our traditional music has led most of the youths attracted towards the western music. Hence, western music is affecting the popularity of traditional Bengalese music and instruments. In this scenario, Bengali music industry has been struggled to represent, develop and promote its own music. A great challenge lies in creating awareness amongst the consumers.

In spite of the importance of music in Bengali life, the musicians themselves have always held a lowly position in society, regarded as Dalit or untouchable by most people in higher castes. Due to their lowly position, musicians were usually uneducated and music and lyrics rarely written down. Melodies, lyrics, dance steps and instrument-making techniques were, until recently, passed down through the generations from father to son in an unbroken chain.

Most Bengali folk songs are inspired by the gaines. With them lies the genesis of Bengali folklore, song and music as we know it today. The modern folk genre is commercially successful but its proponents are predominantly upper caste and some crème lair of the indegenous communities. While neo-gaines gain nationwide popularity and become wealthy celebrities, the gaines are neglected and on the verge of extinction. This situation has helped folk music to aspire within the nation and worldwide. However, the one’s whose livelihood depends on music are ignored and marginalized instead of being in the mainstream of folk music development. Hence, many indigenous people who depended on music for their livelihood are now forced to look for other means of livelihood.

c.      Rationale of the study

There are mainly two reasons for the study of folk music. First of all folk music represents the country. Folk music is music which originates in and is handed down by oral tradition amongst common people. For Indigenous culture, music and song are central to identity, place and belonging, and are an expression of a unique and continuing tradition. Indigenous music has an important place in the transmission and survival of Indigenous cultures. In this regard music culture becomes one of the major tourism products since culture is one of the main attractions for tourists.

Through the culture of music, folk musicians can represent the country worldwide and attract more and more tourist by showing the authenticity of the country and representing the people of Bengal in general. The revival of music will also help re-awaken the cultural consciousness among the Bengali people.

Secondly, music is not just a part of culture but also a means of livelihood and income generating source for many indigenous people. Music in itself is a thriving industry. Music contributes to the cultural industry which if allowed to develop can make a significant contribution to economic development and social integration without neglecting the human development aspect.

Hence, despite the apathy to indigenous music, we are yet to explore indigenous musicians’ creative capacity and to market the traditional musicians internationally. The need for today is not just to preserve and promote folk music but also to create an environment where folk music will be economically rewarding to the indigenous artists and indigenous people in the music industry.

2.      Research Objectives

i.         To find out the impact of folk music in indigenous people’s livelihood and well-being.

ii.       To find out measures to strengthen and maximize the opportunities available for improving livelihood for indigenous people.

iii.      To identify some of the broader lessons regarding mainstreaming and sustainable development of folk/indigenous knowledge and skills.

3.      Literature Review

This chapter gives the researcher an idea about the problem and what others have done in the past in order to guide the researcher on how to proceed to investigate the problem. The sources of the literature review includes- the textbooks, Journals, and other relevant sources.

Culture should be seen as central to any form of development in the pursuit of economic prosperity and national unity. Meaningful and sustainable development must emanate from the culture of the people. The protection, development and promotion of culture, therefore, are imperative responsibilities of the government. From the perspective of culture and poverty programs, culture is defined as inclusive of creative expression, skills, traditional knowledge and cultural resources that form part of the lives of peoples and societies, serving as bases for social engagement and enterprise development. (Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan 2004-2010). According to Throsby, the first attempt to extend the idea of sustainability to culture was in the World omission for culture and Development (WCCD) report, Our Creative Diversity (1995)

Professor Andy Arthurs (Queensland University of Technology) Inverting the Pyramid – investing in our creative music makers: A perspective on creative industries’ impact on our musical live;2007.

The British Government Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) defines the creative industries as: “[t]hose industries that are based on individual creativity, skill and talent. They are also those that have the potential to create wealth and jobs through developing intellectual property. This includes advertising, architecture, the art and antiques market, crafts, design, designer fashion, film and video, interactive leisure software, music, the performing arts, publishing, software, computer and video games, television and radio.”

The report shows that creativity is a key driver of the 21^st century, economically, industrially, and socially. Besides that music, in all its forms, is the backbone of the creative industry. The report find out that there is a need to promote creative enterpreneurship as an important quality that needs to be further developed in musicians ( and all artists) of the future. 

Most musicians have few financial safety nets and find themselves living the creative industries ethos daily. Thus have to ensure that they connect with performaers and audiences in various modes and medis by using ideas that have cultural relevance. This, put another way, means creating music that is relevant to our culture, be that with a home-grown product, or one that is value-added from elsewhere.

Australian Council for the Arts, Protocols for producing Indigenous Australian Music, 2^nd edition ,2007.

The protocol guides endorse Indigenous cultural and intellectual property rights – the rights of Indigenous people to own and control their cultural heritage. These rights are confirmed in the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,which says Indigenous people have the right to practice and revitalise their cultural traditions and customs.

Indigenous music is a voice that crosses boundaries. It is the true voice of this country because it is linked to the land. It enriches this nation, and shows the nation’s true identity (David Milroy).

Indigenous music is an important part of Indigenous culture. Music is about expressing cultural belonging. It is part of ceremony, storytelling, celebration, mourning, coming together and telling of events in Indigenous people’s lives, both past and present. For Indigenous cultures music and song are central to identity, place and belonging, and are an expression of a unique and continuing tradition.

Indigenous Australians are concerned that there is no respect for their Indigenous cultural knowledge, stories and other cultural expression in the wider Australian cultural landscape. Concerns include the current legal framework that does not promote or protect the rights of Indigenous people – particularly to own and control representation and dissemination of their stories, knowledge and other cultural expression.

S.Rengasamy-Introducion to livelihood Approach; Introduction to Livelihood Promotion-Madurai Institute of Social Sciences.

The livelihood of a household or individual can be interpreted as their ‘means of living’. A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base' (Chambers, R. and G. Conway, 1992).

The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) differentiates between a job and a livelihood, which are often used interchangeably.

"A job connotes one particular activity or trade that is performed in exchange for payment. It is also a formal agreement, as manifested by a contract, between an employer and

employee...... . A job can, however, comprise part of an overall livelihood, but does so only to complement other aspects of a livelihood portfolio.

"A livelihood, on the other hand, is engagement in a number of activities which, at times, neither require a formal agreement nor are limited to a particular trade. Livelihoods may or may not involve money. Jobs invariably do. Livelihoods are self-directing. .... . Livelihoods are based on income derived from "jobs", but also on incomes derived from assets and entitlements. ""a means of living or of supporting life and meeting individual and community needs"

The primary reason to promote livelihoods is the belief in the essential right of all human beings to equal opportunity. Poor people do not have life choices nor do they have opportunities. Ensuring that a poor household has a stable livelihood will substantially increase its income, and over a period of time, asset ownership, self-esteem and social participation. The second reason for livelihood promotion is to promote economic growth. The third reason for promoting livelihoods is to ensure social and political stability. When people are hungry, they tend to take to violence, crime.

Meic Llewellyn & Norma Blackstock., A taste of traditional Bengali music, Wrexham Peace & Justice News, oct – dec,  2008

Bengali people regard music as indispensable in every ceremony and rite of passage, from birth to death - and even after death, during funeral rituals and annual ceremonies to remember deceased ancestors. But in spite of the importance of music in Bengali life, the musicians themselves have always held a lowly position in society, regarded as Dalit or untouchable by most people in higher castes.

Due to their lowly position, musicians were usually uneducated and music and lyrics rarely written down. Melodies, lyrics, dance steps and instrument-making techniques were, until recently, passed down through the generations from father to son in an unbroken chain.

Morris Hargreaves McIntyre., Impact of Folk Festivals on Cultural Tourism, January 2003

Folk is no longer, if it ever was, a minority music. This report celebrates its position as an historic part of our national heritage, a hobby, a passion, an industry and clearly a source of entertainment for thousands of people.

Festivals have a remarkable ability to retain tourism visitors and win their loyalty. Unlike much investment in tourism, investment in folk festivals results in almost guaranteed repeat business. Folk music and folk festivals are key to the socio-economic and cultural life of our communities.

There is a lot of debate on the sustainable livelihood approach. The U.K. government agency, the Department for International Development (DFID), has the most notable debate on dealing with the sustainable livelihood approach. Sustainable livelihood Approach (SLA) is centred on people and their livelihood by looking and prioritizing people’s assets ( tangible and intangible), their ability to withstand shocks ( the vulnerability context), and policies and institutions that reflect poor people’s priorities rather than those of the elite ( Sustainable Livelihood Approaches: www. Livelihoods.org/SLdefn.html). Within their SL guidance sheets, DFID, U.K. (1999) has clearly presented main factors that affect people’s livelihoods and the typical relationship. The DFID sees that livelihood is the means by which households obtain and maintain access to the resources necessary to ensure their immediate and long-term survival. This framework and concept of SL development is central to strategies for rural poverty reduction.

4.      Methodology

The methodologies that can be used while doing the study would be individual/ group interview or in-depth interview with folk artists, promoters, folk development agencies, music museum personnel, media, local communities and so on. More specifically, as this study is not so much about music per se and more on the livelihood of indigenous people supported by the music, the methodology used would be related to DFID’s livelihood perspective approach. This methodology focuses on the individual household and seeks to understand the various capabilities available to the household (defined as human, social, financial, natural and physical capital) to form a means of living (known as a livelihood strategy).

Besides this, techniques such as Participatory Rural Appraisal and Rapid Rural Appraisal along with observation, case studies of people contributing to folk music, focused group discussion etc will also be used for this study.

5. Expected Research contribution

Indigenous people’s contribution in Folk music and music industry will be recognized. Better understanding of how indigenous music contributes to sustainable livelihood will help mainstreaming indigenous people in the music industry while considering folk music. Such type of development would be people-centred based on self-reliance and preservation of culture.

Besides Indigenous wellbeing, new markets and business opportunities will be generated by promoting the folk music, instruments and musicians. In this way cultural products can be successfully developed, marketed and packaged to benefit the creative industry and economy as a whole. This will result in better understanding of the opportunities for mainstreaming cultural activities for economic development.

The overall result would enable the environment to attract non-indigenous domestic and international audiences which will further develop the prospect of tourism and affect the local livelihood of the indigenous people. Such a positive milieu will facilitate preservation and conservation of the indigenous people’s culture. The study will also show how music contributes to poverty reduction and help marginalized people and most overlooked groups of artisans in Bengal to improve their livelihood. Through music, this paper will help identify wide range of opportunities and choices that indigenous people have in order to pursue their livelihood goals.

References

Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre for UNESCO
Available at: http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/policies/C_NPL.html

Australian Council for the Arts, Protocols for producing Indigenous Australian Music, 2^nd edition ,2007.Available at: www.australiacouncil.gov.au

ChhalPhal: Gandharba Culture and the Tradition of Bengali Folk Music By Stephanie A. Spray.  Available at:  http://weareBengali.blogspot.com/2009/04/stephanie-anne-spray-spoke-on-rich.html

Creative Economy, the challenge of assessing the creative economy: towards informed policy-making; UNDP,UNCTAD, 2008

Data Base on Traditional/Folk performing arts in Asia and Pacific- A basic Model;
Available at: http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/data/C_NPL.html

Gaines are us; The songs of the gaines carry the Bengali soul by NARESH NEWAR
 Available at: http://community.livejournal.com/everestbuddha/5301.html

http://www.sursudha.com/about.html

http://www.Bengalmountainnews.com/news.php/2008/05/26/sukarma-to-promote-Bengal-in-europe-through-music.html 26^th may 2008

Indigenous contemporary music action plan: Towards a stronger Indigenous contemporary music sector; Contemporary Music Development Working Group of the Cultural Ministers Council; 2008.

Leonardo (Don) A.N. Dioko “Packaging” Heritage for Tourism: Modeling the Effects on the Practice and Transmission of Intangible Heritage Institute for Tourism Studies, Macao. Available at: http://ictlconference.googlepages.com/67.Leonardo.Dioko.RP.pdf

Livelihood Connects. Available at: http://www.eldis.org/go/topics/dossiers/livelihoods-connect/what-are-livelihoods-approaches

Music in Australia Knowledge Base
Available at: http://mcakb.wordpress.com/performance/australian-indigenous-music/

Music to Prevent Poverty-Antonio Abreu By Maria Madrid & Eric Schneider,PNYV! Venezuela

Bengalese Urbanism: A musical Exploration, Ingemar Grandin, Anthropology of Bengal, peoples, problems and processes, Michael Allen, 1994

Bengali music specialists call for conservation of folk music, source Xinhua
Available at: http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90782/90874/6530164.html

BENGAL: Bengali youngsters in love with traditional music http://beacononline.wordpress.com/2008/11/08/Bengal-Bengali-youngsters-in-love-with-traditional-music/

Bengali Folklore Society http://Bengalfolklore.org/projects.html

Prof. Tulasi Diwasa Prof. Chura Mani Bandhu Mr. Bhim Bengal;The Intangible Cultural Heritage of Bengal: Future Directions, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,2007

Professor Andy Arthurs (Queensland University of Technology) Inverting the Pyramid – investing in our creative music makers: A perspective on creative industries’ impact on our musical live;2007.

State of India’s Livelihoods: The 4 Report; edited by Dr. Sankar Datta, Vipin Sharma; ACCESS Development Services 2008 Available at: http://www.microfinanceindia.org/download_reports/the_soil%20report_2008.pdf

Sustainable Livelihoods: Lessons from early experience; Caroline Ashley and Diana Carney, DFID; Available at: http://www.eldis.org/vfile/upload/1/document/0902/DOC7388.pdf

Tapping into musical heritage to create a livelihood for rural Angola http://www.powerofculture.nl/uk/current/2004/february/tsikaya.html

The Impact of Folk Festival, Morris Hargreaves McIntyre, march 2004

United Nations Conference on Trade and Development http://www.unctad.org/Templates/StartPage.asp?intItemID=4577&lang=1

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[1] United Nations Conference on Trade and Development: UNCTADE has been proactive in promoting international action in the area of the creative industries, and emphasizing their development dimension. The creative industries are at the crossroads of the arts, culture, business and technology. All these activities are intensive in creative skills and can generate income through trade and intellectual property rights.

[2] Director of Nepal Tourism Board, Nandini Lahe Thapa spoke at the press meet organized at Nepal Tourism Board at Exhibition Road on 25^th may 2008. The organization supported Sukarma’s concert as they felt that there will be a lot of publicity for Nepal and that tourism will be promoted.